In reflecting on the character of the present Emperor Napoleon, and the impression I have conceived of it, the following thoughts present themselves to my mind:
That he _is_ a very _extraordinary_ man, with great qualities there can be _no_ doubt--I might almost say a mysterious man. He is evidently possessed of _indomitable courage_, _unflinching firmness of purpose_, _self-reliance_, _perseverance_, and _great secrecy_; to this should be added, a great reliance on what he calls his _Star_, and a belief in omens and incidents as connected with his future destiny, which is almost romantic--and at the same time he is endowed with wonderful _self-control_, great _calmness_, even _gentleness_, and with a _power_ of _fascination_, the effect of which upon all those who become more intimately acquainted with him is _most sensibly_ felt.
How far he is actuated by a strong _moral_ sense of _right_ and _wrong_ is difficult to say. On the one hand, his attempts at Strasbourg and Boulogne, and this last after having given a solemn promise never to return or make a similar attempt--in which he openly called on the subjects of the then King of the French to follow him as the successor of Napoleon, the _Coup d"etat_ of December 1851, followed by great ... severity and the confiscation of the property of the unfortunate Orleans family, would lead one to believe that he is not. On the other hand, his kindness and grat.i.tude towards all those, whether high or low, who have befriended him or stood by him through life, and his straightforward and steady conduct towards us throughout the very difficult and anxious contest in which we have been engaged for a year and a half, show that he is possessed of n.o.ble and right feelings.
My impression is, that in all these apparently inexcusable acts, he has invariably been guided by the belief that he is _fulfilling a destiny_ which G.o.d has _imposed_ upon him, and that, though cruel or harsh in themselves, they were _necessary_ to obtain the result which he considered _himself_ as _chosen_ to carry out, and _not_ acts of _wanton_ cruelty or injustice; for it is impossible to know him and not to see that there is much that is truly amiable, kind, and honest in his character. Another remarkable and important feature in his composition is, that everything he says or expresses is the _result_ of deep reflection and of settled purpose, and not merely _des phrases de politesse_, consequently when we read words used in his speech made in the City, we may feel sure that he _means_ what he says; and therefore I would rely with confidence on his behaving honestly and faithfully towards us. I am not able to say whether he is deeply versed in History--I should rather think not, as regards it _generally_, though he may be, and probably is, well informed in the history of his own country, certainly fully so in that of the _Empire_, he having made it his special study to contemplate and reflect upon all the acts and designs of his great uncle. He is very well read in German literature, to which he seems to be very partial.
It is said, and I am inclined to think with truth, that he reads but little, even as regards despatches from his own foreign Ministers, he having expressed his surprise at my reading them daily. He seems to be singularly ignorant in matters not connected with the branch of his _special_ studies, and to be ill informed upon them by those who surround him.
If we compare him with poor King Louis Philippe, I should say that the latter (Louis Philippe) was possessed of vast knowledge upon all and every subject, of immense experience in public affairs, and of great activity of mind; whereas the Emperor possesses greater judgment and much greater firmness of purpose, but no experience of public affairs, nor mental application; he is endowed, as was the late King, with much fertility of imagination.
Another great difference between King Louis Philippe and the Emperor is, that the poor King was _thoroughly French_ in character, possessing all the liveliness and talkativeness of that people, whereas the Emperor is as _unlike_ a _Frenchman_ as possible, being much more _German_ than French in character.... How could it be expected that the Emperor _should_ have any _experience_ in _public affairs_, considering that till six years ago he lived as a poor exile, for some years even in prison, and never having taken the slightest part in the _public_ affairs of _any_ country?
It is therefore the more astounding, indeed almost incomprehensible, that he should show all those powers of Government, and all that wonderful tact in his conduct and manners which he evinces, and which many a King"s son, nurtured in palaces and educated in the midst of affairs, never succeeds in attaining. I likewise believe that he would be incapable of such tricks and over-reachings as practised by poor King Louis Philippe (for whose memory, as the old and kind friend of my father, and of whose kindness and amiable qualities I shall ever retain a lively sense), who in great as well as in small things took a pleasure in being cleverer and more cunning than others, often when there was no advantage to be gained by it, and which was, unfortunately, strikingly displayed in the transactions connected with the Spanish marriages, which led to the King"s downfall and ruined him in the eyes of all Europe. On the other hand, I believe that the Emperor Napoleon would not hesitate to do a thing by main force, even if in itself unjust and tyrannical, should he consider that the _accomplishment of his destiny_ demanded it.
The _great advantage_ to be derived for the permanent alliance of England and France, which is of such vital importance to both countries, by the Emperor"s recent visit, I take to be this: that, with his peculiar character and views, which are very personal, a kind, unaffected, and hearty reception by us _personally_ in our own family will make a lasting impression upon his mind; he will see that he can rely upon our friendship and honesty towards him and his country so long as he remains faithful towards us; naturally frank, he will see the advantage to be derived from continuing so; and if he reflects on the downfall of the former dynasty, he will see that it arose _chiefly_ from a _breach_ of pledges,... and will be sure, if I be not very much mistaken in his character, to _avoid_ such a course.
It must likewise not be overlooked that this kindly feeling towards us, and consequently towards England (the interests of which are _inseparable_ from us), must be increased when it is remembered that _we_ are almost the only people in _his_ own position with whom he has been able to be on any terms of intimacy, consequently almost the only ones to whom he could talk easily and unreservedly, which he cannot do naturally with his inferiors. He and the Empress are in a most isolated position, unable to trust the only relations who are near them in France, and surrounded by courtiers and servants, who from fear or interest do not tell them the truth. It is, therefore, natural to believe that he will not willingly separate from those who, like us, do not scruple to put him in possession of the real facts, and whose conduct is guided by justice and honesty, and this the more readily as he is supposed to have always been a searcher after truth.
I would go still further, and think that it is in our power to _keep_ him in the right course, and to protect him against the extreme flightiness, changeableness, and to a certain extent want of honesty of his own servants and nation. We should never lose the opportunity of checking in the bud any attempt on the part of his agents or ministers to play us false, frankly informing him of the facts, and encouraging him to bring forward in an equally frank manner whatever he has to complain of. This is the course which we have hitherto pursued, and as he is France in his own sole person, it becomes of the utmost importance to encourage by every means in our power that very open intercourse which I must say has existed between him and Lord Cowley for the last year and a half, and now, since our personal acquaintance, between ourselves.
As I said before, the words which fall from his lips are the result of deep reflection, and part of the deep plan which he has staked out for himself, and which he intends to carry out. I would therefore lay stress on the following words which he p.r.o.nounced to me immediately after the invest.i.ture of the Order of the Garter: "_C"est un lien de plus entre nous, j"ai prete serment de fidelite a votre Majeste et je le garderai soigneus.e.m.e.nt. C"est un grand evenement pour moi, et j"espere pouvoir prouver ma reconnaissance envers votre Majeste et son Pays._" In a letter said to be written by him to Mr F. Campbell, the translator of M. Thiers"s _History of the Consulate and Empire_, when returning the proof-sheets in 1847, he says "Let us hope the day may yet come when I shall carry out the intentions of my Uncle by uniting the policy and interests of England and France in an indissoluble alliance. That hope cheers and encourages me. It forbids my repining at the altered fortunes of my family."
If these be truly his words, he certainly has acted up to them, since he has swayed with an iron hand the destinies of that most versatile nation, the French. That he should have written this at a moment when Louis Philippe had succeeded in all his wishes, and seemed securer than ever in the possession of his Throne, shows a calm reliance in his destiny and in the realisation of hopes entertained from his very childhood which borders on the supernatural.
These are a few of the many reflections caused by the observation and acquaintance with the character of this most extraordinary man, in whose fate not only the interests of this country, but the whole of Europe are intimately bound up. I shall be curious to see if, after the lapse of time, my opinion and estimate of it has been the right one.
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th May 1855_.
The Queen returns these interesting letters to Lord Clarendon. When the Emperor expresses a wish that positive instructions should be sent to Lord Raglan to join in a general forward movement about to take place, he should be made aware that Lord Raglan has been ready and most anxious for the a.s.sault taking place on the 26th, and that he only consented to postpone it for a few days at General Canrobert"s earnest desire, who wished to wait for the army of Reserve. It should be kept in mind, however, that the English cannot proceed farther as long as the Mamelon has not been taken, and that as long as the French refuse to do this they must not complain of Lord Raglan"s not advancing. The refusal to undertake this has, the Queen is sorry to say, produced a bad feeling amongst many of our officers and men, which she owns alarms her.[57]
[Footnote 57: General Canrobert was deficient in dash and initiative; he knew his defects, and was relieved of his command at his own request, being succeeded by General Pelissier.
On the 24th of May (the Queen"s Birthday) a successful expedition was made against Kertsch, the granary of Sebastopol, and vast quant.i.ties of coal, corn, and flour were either seized by the Allies, or destroyed in antic.i.p.ation of their seizure by the Russians.
On the 7th of June, the Mamelon (a knoll crowned by a redoubt and protected by the Rifle Pits) was taken by the French, and the Gravel Pits, an outwork in front of the Redan, by the English.]
[Pageheading: THE CRIMEAN MEDAL]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _22nd May 1855_.
MY DEAREST, KINDEST UNCLE,--... The state of affairs is uncomfortable and complicated just now, but our course is _straight_; we _cannot_ come to any peace unless we have such guarantees by _decided_ limitation of the Fleet, which would secure us against Russian preponderance for the future.[58]
Ernest will have told you what a _beautiful_ and _touching_ sight and ceremony (the first of the kind ever witnessed in England) the distribution of the Medals was. From the highest Prince of the Blood to the lowest Private, all received the same distinction for the bravest conduct in the severest actions, and the rough hand of the brave and honest private soldier came for the first time in contact with that of their Sovereign and their Queen! n.o.ble fellows! I own I feel as if they were _my own children_; my heart beats for _them_ as for my _nearest and dearest_. They were so touched, so pleased; many, I hear, cried--and they won"t hear of giving up their Medals, to have their names engraved upon them, for fear they should _not_ receive the _identical one_ put into _their hands by me_, which is quite touching.
Several came by in a sadly mutilated state. None created more interest or is more gallant than young Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had, at Inkerman, _one leg_ and the _other foot_ carried away by a round shot, and continued commanding his battery till the battle was won, refusing to be carried away, only desiring his shattered limbs to be raised in order to prevent too great a hemorrhage! He was dragged by in a bath chair, and when I gave him his medal I told him I should make him one of my Aides-de-camp for his very gallant conduct, to which he replied: "I am amply repaid for everything!"[59]
_One must_ revere and love such soldiers as those! The account in the _Times_ of Sat.u.r.day is very correct and good.
I must, however, conclude now, hoping soon to hear from you again.
Could you kindly tell me if you could in a few days forward some letters and papers with _safety_ to good Stockmar. Ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 58: Prince Albert, in a Memorandum dated the 25th of May, emphasised the difficulties in the way of peace caused by the att.i.tude of Austria, and the possibility of her pa.s.sing from the one alliance to the other.]
[Footnote 59: He was made a C.B. and a Brevet-Colonel; and also received the Legion of Honour.]
[Pageheading: SUCCESSOR TO LORD DALHOUSIE]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Vernon Smith._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th June 1855_.
The Queen has received Mr Vernon Smith"s letter on the subject of Lord Dalhousie"s resignation and the appointment of a successor. She was somewhat astonished that the name of a successor to that most important appointment should for the first time be brought before her after all official steps for carrying it out had been completed.
If the selection should now not receive the Queen"s approval, it is evident that great awkwardness must arise.[60]
[Footnote 60: Mr Vernon Smith, in reply, referred to the statutory power then existing of the Directors of the East India Company to nominate a Governor-General, subject to the approbation of the Crown.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Vernon Smith._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th June 1855_.
The Queen received Mr V. Smith"s letter yesterday evening after her return from Chatham. She readily acquits him of any _intentional_ want of respect towards her, or of any neglect in going through the prescribed forms with regard to the appointment in question, neither of which she meant to insinuate by her letter. But she does not look upon the question as one of form. She takes a deep and natural interest in the welfare of her Indian Empire, and must consider the selection of the fittest person for the post of Governor-General as of paramount importance. She had frequently discussed this point with Lord Palmerston, but the name of Lord Canning never occurred amongst the candidates alluded to. The Queen is even now quite ignorant as to the reasons and motives which led to his selection in preference to those other names, and Mr V. Smith will see at once that, were the Queen inclined to object to it, she could not _now_ do so without inflicting a deep, personal injury on a public man, for whose personal qualities and talents the Queen has a high regard.
She accordingly approves the recommendation, but must repeat her regret that no opportunity had been given to her to discuss the propriety of it with her Ministers previous to the intention of the recommendation becoming known to all concerned in it.
[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD RAGLAN]