"I cannot but a little touch, what I could wish you did, and I hope will do to all sorts of people; it is a lesson I could never learn well my self, but perhaps see more what is convenient for others, than that I were ever able to shew the force of wholesome counsel and good instructions in my own life.
"Above all things in the world, seek to obey and follow your Mother"s will and pleasure; who as she hath been the best wife to me that ever man enjoyed, so can she not fail to shew her self equal to the best Mother, if you deserve not the contrary. If it please G.o.d to send her life (though you have nothing else), I shall leave you enough: and on the contrary, if I could leave you ten times more than my self ever had, yet she being taken from you, I should think you but poor. It is not (my Sons) abundance of riches that makes a man happy but a virtuous life; and as they are blessings from G.o.d, and cause of happiness to a man that useth them well, so are they cause of misery to most men even in this world.
"You may read of divers men, who whiles they lived in private state, deserved the fame of all that knew them; but so soon as prosperous fortune, and higher degrees, had taken possession of them, they seemed not to be the same men, but grew into scorn of all the world. For example _Galba_ whiles he lived in _Spain_ as a private man, and, as it were, banished his Countrey, by a Charge that procured in him great pains and care; he was so well liked, that upon the death of _Nero_ the Emperor, he was Elected in his room but was no sooner in that Place, than he was plucked out of it again by violent death, as a man unfit for such a Charge, by reason of his alteration which that Dignity wrought in him. You may see also in _Otho_ who succeeded him, that all the while of his prosperity, he lived a most dissolute life and odious to all men; but he was no sooner touched with adversity, but he grew to a brave and worthy resolution, making choice rather (not out of desperation) of his own death, than that by his life the Common-weal should be disturbed. And though I cannot but disallow the manner of his death (by reason he knew not G.o.d truly) yet is it plain, that adversity brought him to that worthy mind, which contemned life in regard of his Countrey"s good; and which was so contrary to that mind that prosperity had misled in him. If then adverse Fortune were so powerful more than prosperity on Pagans and Misbelievers, to procure in them worthy minds; what may we expect the force of it should be in Christians, whose first Captain (not out of necessity, but free choice) made manifest to the world, by his own painful foot steps that there is no other perfect and certain way to true happiness.
"He hath not onely staid here in demonstration of his verity, but hath sent to all those (who, the world knows, he highliest esteemed, and best loved) nothing but variety of misery in this life, with cruel and forced death; the which thing truest wisdom esteems as the best tokens of Love from so powerful a Sender, and as the best and certainest way to bring a man to perfect happiness.
"I speak not this to conclude, that no man is happy but those which run this strict and best course. But to tell you (my Children) that if the world seek and prevail to cut you off from enjoying my Estate and Patrimony in this world, yet you should not think your selves more unhappy therein: for G.o.d, it may be, doth see, that there is some other course more fit for you; or that this would give great hazard to your Soul"s health, which he taketh away, by removing the occasion.
"But, howsoever you find your selves in fortunes of this world, use them to G.o.d"s best pleasure, and think yourselves but Bailiffs of such things for an uncertain time. If they be few or poor, your fear of making a good accompt may be the lesser; and know, that G.o.d can send more and richer, if it be requisite for his glory and your good; if they be many or great, so much the more care you ought to take in governing your selves, lest G.o.d, as holding you unworthy such a charge, by taking them from you, or you from them, do also punish you with eternal misery for abusing his benefits. You shall the better learn to make true use and reckoning of these vanities, if with due obedience you do hearken to your mother"s wholesome counsel; and what want you shall find in my instructions, you may see better declared to you by looking on her life, which though I cannot give a.s.surance for any thing to be done in future times yet can I not but very stedfastly believe, that the same Lord will give perseverance in virtue, where he hath laid so strong a foundation for his spiritual building, and where there is such an humble and resigned will to the pleasure of her Lord and Maker.
"The next part of my charge shall be, in your mutual carriage the one to the other; in which, all reasons to move you to perfect accord, and entire love, do present themselves unto you, as the obligation of Christianity, the tie of natural and nearest consanguinity, and the equality, or very small difference of Age.
There is in none of these any thing wanting, that may be an impediment to truest Friendship, nor anything to be added to them (for procuring your mutual and heartiest love) but your own consent and particular desert each to other. Since then there is all cause in each of you for this love, do not deprive yourselves of that earthly happiness, which G.o.d, Nature, and Time offereth unto you; but if you think that the benefit which accord and friendship bringeth, be not sufficient to enkindle this love (which G.o.d forbid you should) yet let the consideration of the misery which the contrary worketh in all degrees, stay your mind from dislike.
"As no man in any Age, but may see great happiness to have been attained by good agreement of Friends, Kinsmen, and Brethren; so wanteth there not too many examples of such, as by hate and dis-cord have frustrated strong hopes sowed in peace, and brought to nothing great Fortunes; besides the incurring G.o.d"s displeasure, which still comes accompanied with perpetual misery. If you look into Divine Writ, you shall find, that this was the cause of "_Abel_" and "_Cain"s_" misery, which the least hard hap that came to either of them, was to be murdered by his Brother.
"If you look into Humane Stories, you need search no further to behold a most pitiful object than the two sons of "Phillip," king of "Macedon," whose dislike each to other was so deeply rooted, that at length it burst forth to open complaints, the one of the other to good old "Phillip" who seeing it, could not be put off from a publick hearing, called both his sons (Demetrius and Perseus) and in both their hearing made a most effectual speech of concord unto them; but finding that it would not take effect, gave them free leave to wound his heart with their unnatural accusations, the one against the other; which staid not there, by the unjust hastning of their Father"s sudden death, but caused the murther of one of them, with the utter overthrow of that commonwealth, and the misery of the survivor. These things (I hope) will not be so necessary for your use, as they are hurtless to know, and effectual where need requires.
"Besides these examples, and fore-recited obligations, let me joyn a Father"s charge which ought not to be lightly esteemed in so just a cause. Let me tell you my son _Kenelm_, that you ought to be both a Father and a Brother to your unprovided for Brother, and think, that what I am hindred from performing to him by short life, and voluntary tie of my Land to you; so much account your self bound to do him, both in Brotherly affection to him, and in natural duty to me. And you, my son _John_, know I send you as Fatherly a Blessing, as if I had also given you a great Patrimony; and that if my life had permitted, I would have done my endeavour that way. If you find anything in that kind to come from your Brother, take it the more thankfully; but if that you do not, let it not lessen your love to him, who ought not to be loved by you for his Fortune or Bounty, but for himself. I am sorry that I am cut off by time from saying so much as I did intend at the first; but since I may not, I will commend in my Prayers your instruction and guidance to the Giver of all goodness, who ever bless and keep you.--Your affectionate Father,
"EVE DIGBY--
"From my Prison this of Jan. 1605."
[379] Papers or Letters of Sir Everard Digby. Appendix to the Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. 181.
CHAPTER XV.
On Monday, the 27th of January 1606, Sir Everard Digby, Robert and Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, John Grant, Ambrose Rookwood, Robert Keyes, and Thomas Bates, were taken from their cells in the Tower, led to a barge, and conveyed up the river to Westminster to be put on their trial in the celebrated hall, which stands on the site of the banquetting room of William Rufus. They were to stand before their accusers on soil already famous, and destined to become yet more famous for important trials. Here, three hundred years earlier, Sir William Wallace had been condemned to death. Here, only about eighty years before their own time came, both Anne Boleyn and Sir Thomas More had been tried and sentenced.
In this splendid building, Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, and King Charles the First were destined to be condemned to the block. In the following century, sentence of death was here to be pa.s.sed upon the rebel lords of 1745; here too, still later, Warren Hastings and Lord Melville were to be impeached.
Sir Everard Digby and his fellow-prisoners reached Westminster about half-an-hour before the time fixed for the trial, and they were taken to the Star Chamber to await the arrival of their judges. The following is a contemporary account of their appearance and behaviour while there.
[380] "It was strange to note their carriage, even in their very countenances: some hanging down the head, as if their hearts were full of doggedness, and others forcing a stern look, as if they would fear"
["that is _frighten_. _Footnote._"] "death with a frown, never seeming to pray, except it were by the dozen upon their beads, and taking tobacco, as if hanging were no trouble to them; saying nothing but in commendation of their conceited religion, craving mercy of neither G.o.d nor the king for their offences, and making their consciences, as it were, as wide as the world; and to the very gates of h.e.l.l, to be the cause of their h.e.l.lish courses, to make a work meritorious."
[380] Somers" Tracts, Vol. xi. p. 113.
This writer clearly did not go to the trial prepared to be pleased with the prisoners. If they looked down, they were "dogged" and ought to have been looking up; if they looked up, they were "forcing a stern look,"
and ought to have been looking down: if they were not praying, they should have been praying, and if they were praying, yea, even praying "by the dozen," they should have not have been praying; if they smoked, it was because they did not mind being hanged; if they talked of nothing but religion, it was because they did not desire G.o.d"s mercy, and one thing was certain--that their prayers and their religion and all things about them, to their very consciences, were "h.e.l.lish."
Sir John Harrington was another unadmiring spectator. [381] "I have seen some of the chief" [conspirators], he says, "and think they bear an evil mark in their foreheads, for more terrible countenances never were looked upon."
[381] _Nugae Antiquae_, Vol. i. p. 373.
Another writer takes a different view, at any rate in the case of Sir Everard Digby. As that prisoner was being brought up for trial, says Father Gerard,[382] "(not in the best case to make show of himself as you may imagine), yet some of the chiefest in the Court seeing him out of a window brought in that manner, lamented him much, and said he was the goodliest man in the whole Court."
[382] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 88.
On entering Westminster Hall, the prisoners were made to ascend a scaffold placed in front of the judges. The Queen and the Prince were seated in a concealed chamber from which they could see, but could not be seen; and it was reported that the King also was somewhere present.[383] The crowd was enormous. Although a special part of the hall had been a.s.signed to members of parliament who might wish to attend the trial, they were so[384] "pestered with others not of the House," that one member complained, and a committee was afterwards appointed to enquire into the matter.
[383] Letter from Sir E. Hoby to Sir T. Edmondes.
[384] Journals of the House of Commons, Jan. 28 1605-6. _Criminal Trials._ Jardine, p. 115, footnote.
Sir Everard Digby was arraigned under a separate indictment from that of the other prisoners, and he was tried by himself after them; but he stood by them throughout the trial. The first indictment was very long.
After a much spun-out preamble, it stated that the prisoners "traiterously[385] among themselves did conclude and agree, with Gunpowder, as it were with one blast, suddenly, traiterously, and barbarously to blow up and tear in pieces our said Sovereign Lord the King, the Excellent, Virtuous, and gracious Queen Anne his dearest Wife, the most n.o.ble Prince Henry their Eldest Son, the future Hope and Joy of England, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; the Reverend Judges of the Realm, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament, and divers other faithful Subjects and Servants of the King in the said Parliament," &c, "and all of them, without any respect of Majesty, Dignity, Degree, s.e.x, Age, or Place, most barbarously, and more than beastly, traiterously and suddenly, to destroy and swallow up."
[385] _Gunpowder Treason_, Bp. Barlow, p. (3)
The prisoners under this indictment pleaded "_Not Guilty_; and put themselves upon G.o.d and the Country."
Sir Edward Philips, Sergeant at Law, then got upon his legs. The matter before the Court, he said, was one of Treason;[386] "but of such horrour, and monstrous nature, that before now,
The Tongue of Man never delivered, The Ear of Man never heard, The Heart of Man never conceited, Nor the Malice of h.e.l.lish or Earthly Devil never practised."
[386] _Gunpowder Treason_, Bp. Barlow, p. (9).
And, if it were "abominable to murder the least," and if "to touch G.o.d"s annointed," were to oppose G.o.d himself, "Then how much more than too monstrous" was it "to murder and subvert
Such a King, Such a Queen, Such a Prince, Such a Progeny, Such a State, Such a Government, So compleat and absolute; That G.o.d approves: The World admires: All true English Hearts honour and reverence: The Pope and his Disciples onely envies and maligns."
The Sergeant, after dwelling briefly on the chief points of the indictment, and describing the objects of the conspiracy and the plan of the conspirators, sat down to make way for the princ.i.p.al counsel for the prosecution, His Majesty"s Attorney-General, Sir Edward c.o.ke.
c.o.ke, the enemy of Bacon, was now about fifty-five, and he had filled the post of Attorney-General for nine years. Sir Everard Digby and his fellow-prisoners knew that they had little mercy to expect at his hands.
The asperity which he had shown in prosecuting Ess.e.x, five years earlier, and the personal animosity which he had exhibited, still later, in his sarcastic speech at the trial of Raleigh, when he had wound up with the phrase, "Thou hast an English face but a Spanish heart," were notorious, and he was certain to make such a trial as that of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot the occasion of a great forensic display. It so happened that his speeches at this trial and that of Father Garnet, which presently followed it, brought his career as an advocate to a close; for within a year he was appointed Chief-Justice of Common Pleas.
Undoubtedly, his speeches at the trial of Sir Everard Digby and his accomplices added to his fame; but Jardine[387] called one of them "a long and laboured harangue," and other historians thought him guilty of[388] "unnecessary cruelty in the torture and gratuitous" insolence which he exhibited towards the accused. The glaring eyes, which we see represented in his portrait, would be an unpleasant prospect for Sir Everard as he listened to his cruel words; but whatever tenderness a biographer may feel for his subject, and whatever dislike a Catholic may entertain to the Protestant bigotry of Sir Edward c.o.ke, it ought not to be forgotten that, according to his lights, he was an honest, if a hard and an unmerciful man, that some ten years later he himself fell into disgrace and suffered imprisonment in the Tower, rather than yield on a point of principle, and that, vindictive as he could be in prosecuting a prisoner, one of his enemies--Lord Chancellor Egerton--said that his greatest fault was his "excessive popularity."
[387] P. 141.
[388] See _Ency. Brit._, Eighth Ed., Vol. vii. p. 95.
Although he began his speech by saying that the Gunpowder Plot had been the greatest treason ever conceived against the greatest king that ever lived, he had presently a complimentary word or two to say as to the origins and previous lives of some of the conspirators. With an air of great truthfulness and fairness he said:--[389] "It is by some given out that they are such men as admit just exception, either desperate in estate, or base, or not settled in their wits; such as are _sine religione, sine sede, sine fide, sine re, et sine spe_--without religion, without habitation, without credit, without means, without hope. But (that no man, though never so wicked, may be wronged) true it is, they were gentlemen of good houses, of excellent parts, howsoever most perniciously seduced, abused, corrupted, and jesuited, of very competent fortunes and estates."
[389] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, p. 127 _seq._
After having said these comparatively gentle words concerning the laity, he launched forth in declamation against "those of the spirituality,"
not one of whom was actually on his trial. "It is falsely said," he cried, "that there is never a religious man in this action; for I never yet knew a treason without a Romish priest; but in this there are very many Jesuits, who are known to have dealt and pa.s.sed through the whole action." He then named four of these, beginning with Father Garnet, "besides their cursory men," the first of which was Father Gerard. "The studies and practises of this sect princ.i.p.ally consisted in two D"s, to wit, in deposing of kings and disposing of kingdoms." Having thundered away at Jesuits and priests to his heart"s content, he exclaimed that "the Romish Catholicks" had put themselves under "Gunpowder Law, fit for Justices of h.e.l.l."
"Note," said he, with great vehemence, "that gunpowder was the invention of a Friar, one of that Romish Rabble."[390] "All friars, religions, and priests were bad"; but "the princ.i.p.al offenders are the seducing Jesuits, men that use the reverence of Religion, yea, even the most Sacred and Blessed name of JESUS as a mantle to cover their impiety, blasphemy, treason, and rebellion, and all manner of wickedness."
[390] So it is commonly said; but Mr Tomlinson, in his article on Gunpowder in the _Ency. Brit._, Vol. xi. p. 150, ed. 1856, says that it was known, in some form at least, in the year 355 B.C.
No speech in those days was considered perfect without a few words of astrology, so he called the attention of the Court to the remarkable fact "that it was in the entering of the Sun into the Tropick of _Capricorn_, when they" [the conspirators] "began their mine; noting that by mineing they should descend, and by hanging ascend."