The Life of George Borrow

Chapter of Valencia, which in all probability would have resulted in his imprisonment. Whatever the truth, there appears to have been some embarra.s.sment among those responsible for bringing in the lost sheep as to what should be done with him. "I hope that Mann"s history will be a warning to many of our friends," Borrow wrote to Mr Rule and quoted the pa.s.sage in his letter to Mr Brandram, {226a} "and tend to a certain extent to sober down the desire for doing what is called at home SMART THINGS, many of which terminate in a manner very different from the original expectations of the parties concerned." Mr Brandram thought that Borrow was a little hard upon Graydon, and that he had not received "with the due grano salis the statements of the unfortunate M." He intimated, nevertheless, that the Committee had no opening for Mann"s services.

To facilitate the pa.s.sing of these books through the customs, Borrow suggested that they should be consigned to the British Consul at Cadiz, who was friendly to the Society and "would have sufficient influence to secure their admission into Spain. But the most advisable way," he goes on to explain with great guile, "would be to pack them in two chests, placing at the top Bibles in English and other languages, for there is a demand, viz., 100 English, 100 French, 50 German, 50 Hebrew, 50 Greek, 10 Modern Greek, 10 Persian, 20 Arabic. PRAY DO NOT FAIL." {215a}

When Sir George Villiers first obtained from Isturitz permission for Borrow to print and sell the New Testament in Spanish without notes, he had cautioned him "to use the utmost circ.u.mspection, and in order to pursue his vocation with success, to avoid offending popular prejudices, which would not fail to be excited against a Protestant and a Foreigner engaged in the propagation of the Gospel." {215b} This warning the British Minister had repeated frequently since. It was without consulting Sir George that Borrow opened his depot, and "imprudently painted upon the window that it was the Depot of the London (sic) Bible Society for the sale of Bibles. I told him," Sir George writes "that such a measure would render the interference of the Authorities inevitable, and so it turned out." {215c}

Borrow now lost the services of the faithful Antonio, who, on the last day of the year, informed him that he had become unsettled and dissatisfied with everything at his master"s lodgings, including the house, the furniture, and the landlady herself. Therefore he had hired himself out to a count for four dollars a month less than he was receiving from Borrow, because he was "fond of change, though it be for the worse. Adieu, mon maitre," he said in parting; "may you be as well served as you deserve. Should you chance, however, to have any pressing need de mes soins, send for me without hesitation, and I will at once give my new master warning." A few days later Borrow engaged a Basque, named Francisco, who "to the strength of a giant joined the disposition of a lamb," {216a} and who had been strongly recommended to him.

On his return from a hurried visit to Toledo, Borrow found his Des.p.a.cho succeeding as well as could be expected. To call attention to his premises he now took an extremely daring step. He caused to be printed three thousand copies of an advertis.e.m.e.nt on paper yellow, blue, and crimson, "with which I almost covered the sides of the streets" he wrote, "and besides this inserted notices in all the journals and periodicals, employing also a man, after the London fashion, to parade the streets with a placard, to the astonishment of the populace." {216b} The result of this move, Borrow declared, was that every man, woman and child in Madrid became aware of the existence of his Des.p.a.cho, as well they might. In spite of this commercial enterprise, the first month"s trading showed a sale of only between seventy and eighty New Testaments, and ten Bibles, {216c} these having been secured from a Spanish bookseller who had brought them secretly from Gibraltar, but who was afraid to sell them himself. Mr Brandram"s comment upon the letter from Borrow telling of the posters was that its contents had "afforded us no little merriment. The idea of your placards and placard-bearers in Madrid is indeed a novel one. It cannot but be effectual in giving publicity. I sincerely hope it may not be prejudicial." {216d}

When in England, at the end of 1836, Borrow had been authorised by the Bible Society to find "a person competent to translate the Scriptures in Basque." On 27th February 1837, he wrote telling Mr Brandram that he had become "acquainted with a gentleman well versed in that dialect, of which I myself have some knowledge." Dr Oteiza, the domestic physician of the Marques de Salvatierra, was accordingly commissioned to proceed with the work, for which, when completed, he was paid the sum of "8 pounds and a few odd shillings." Borrow reported to Mr Brandram (7th June 1837):

"I have examined it with much attention, and find it a very faithful version. The only objection which can be brought against it is that Spanish words are frequently used to express ideas for which there are equivalents in Basque; but this language, as spoken at present in Spain, is very corrupt, and a work written entirely in the Basque of Larramendi"s Dictionary would be intelligible to very few. I have read pa.s.sages from it to men of Guipuscoa, who a.s.sured me that they had no difficulty in understanding it, and that it was written in the colloquial style of the province."

Borrow had "obtained a slight acquaintance" with Basque when a youth, which he lost no opportunity of extending by mingling with Biscayans during his stay in the Peninsula. He also considerably improved himself in the language by conversing with his Basque servant Francisco. Borrow now decided to print the Gitano and Basque versions of St Luke, which he accordingly put in hand; but as the compositors were entirely ignorant of both languages, he had to exercise the greatest care in reading the proofs.

During his stay in Spain he had found time to translate into the dialect of the Spanish gypsies the greater part of the New Testament.

{217a} His method had been somewhat original. Believing that there is "no individual, however wicked and hardened, who is utterly G.o.dLESS," {217b} he determined to apply his belief to the gypsies.

To enlist their interest in the work, he determined to allow them to do the translating themselves. At one period of his residence in Madrid he was regularly visited by two gypsy women, and these he decided to make his translators; for he found the women far more amenable than the men. In spite of the fact that he had already translated into Gitano the New Testament, or the greater part of it, he would read out to the women from the Spanish version and let them translate it into Romany themselves, thus obtaining the correct gypsy idiom. The women looked forward to these gatherings and also to "the one small gla.s.s of Malaga" with which their host regaled them. They had got as far as the eighth chapter before the meetings ended. What was the moral effect of St Luke upon the minds of two gypsies?

Borrow confessed himself sceptical; first, because he was acquainted with the gypsy character; second, because it came to his knowledge that one of the women "committed a rather daring theft shortly afterwards, which compelled her to conceal herself for a fortnight."

{218a} Borrow comforted himself with the reflection that "it is quite possible, however, that she may remember the contents of those chapters on her death-bed." {218b} The translation of the remaining chapters was supplied from Borrow"s own version begun at Badajos in 1836.

It is not strange that Borrow should be regarded with suspicion by the Spaniards on account of his a.s.sociation with the Gitanos.

Sometimes there would be as many as seventeen gypsies gathered together at his lodgings in the Calle de Santiago.

"The people in the street in which I lived," he writes, {218c} "seeing such numbers of these strange females continually pa.s.sing in and out, were struck with astonishment, and demanded the reason. The answers which they obtained by no means satisfied them. "Zeal for the conversion of souls--the souls too of Gitanas,--disparate! the fellow is a scoundrel. Besides he is an Englishman, and is not baptised; what cares he for souls? They visit him for other purposes. He makes base ounces, which they carry away and circulate.

Madrid is already stocked with false money." Others were of the opinion that we met for the purposes of sorcery and abomination. The Spaniard has no conception that other springs of action exist than interest or villany."

Borrow was in reality endeavouring to convey to his "little congregation," as he called them, some idea of abstract morality. He was bold enough "to speak against their inveterate practices, thieving and lying, telling fortunes," etc., and at first experienced much opposition. About the result, he seems to have cherished no illusions; still, he wrote a hymn in their dialect which he taught his guests to sing.

For some time past it had been obvious to Borrow that he was becoming more than ever unpopular with certain interested factions in Madrid, who looked upon his missionary labours with angry disapproval. The opening of his Des.p.a.cho had caused a great sensation. "The Priests and Bigots are teeming with malice and fury," he had written to Mr Brandram, {219a} "which hitherto they have thought proper to exhibit only in words, as they know that all I do here is favoured by Mr Villiers {219b} (sic) . . . There is no attempt, however atrocious, which may not be expected from such people, and were it right and seemly for ME, the most insignificant of worms, to make such a comparison, I would say that, like Paul at Ephesus, I am fighting with wild beasts." He was attacked in print and endeavours were made to incite the people against him as a sorcerer and companion of gypsies and witches. When he decided upon the campaign of the posters it would appear, at first glance, that in the claims of the merchant Borrow had entirely forgotten the obligations of the diplomatist. On the other hand, he may have foreseen that the priestly party would soon force the Government to action, and was desirous of selling all the books he could before this happened. His own words seem to indicate that this was the case.

"People who know me not," he wrote to Mr Brandram, "nor are acquainted with my situation, may be disposed to call me rash; but I am far from being so, as I never adopt a venturous course when any other is open to me; but I am not a person to be terrified by any danger when I see that braving it is the only way to achieve an object." {220a}

Whatever may have been Borrow"s motives, the crisis arrived on 12th January, when he received a peremptory order from the Civil Governor of Madrid (who had previously sent for and received two copies, to submit for examination to the Ecclesiastical Authorities) to sell no more of the New Testament in Spanish without notes. At that period the average sale was about twenty copies a day. "The priests have at length "swooped upon me,"" Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram, three days later. The order did not, however, take him unawares.

Borrow saw that little a.s.sistance was to be expected from Sir George Villiers, who, for obvious reasons, was not popular with the Ofalia ministry, and, accepting the British Minister"s advice, he promptly complied with the edict. He recognised that for the time being his enemies were paramount. He accuses the priests of employing the ruffian who, one night in a dark street, warned him to discontinue selling his "Jewish books," or he would "have a knife "NAILED IN HIS HEART"" to which he replied by telling the fellow to go home, say his prayers and inform his employers that he, Borrow, pitied them. It was a few days after this episode that Borrow received the formal notice of prohibition.

Consoling himself with the fact that he was not ordered to close his Des.p.a.cho, and refusing the advice that was tendered to him to erase from its windows the yellow-lettered sign, he determined to continue his campaign with the Bibles that were on their way to him, and the Gitano and Basque versions of St Luke as soon as they were ready.

The prohibition referred only to the Spanish New Testament without notes, and in this Borrow took comfort. He had every reason to feel gratified; for, since opening the Des.p.a.cho, he had sold nearly three hundred copies of the New Testament.

At Earl Street it was undoubtedly felt that Borrow had to some extent precipitated the present crisis. On 8th February Mr Brandram wrote that, whilst there was no wish on the part of the Committee to censure him, they were not altogether surprised at what had occurred; for, when they first heard about them, "some DID think that your tri- coloured placards and placard-bearer were somewhat calculated to provoke what has occurred." In reply Borrow confessed that the view of the "some" gave him "a pang, more especially as I knew from undoubted sources that nothing which I had done, said, or written, was the original cause of the arbitrary step which had been adopted in respect to me." {221a}

The printing of the Gitano and Basque editions of St Luke (500 copies {221b} of each) was completed in March, and they were published respectively in March and April. The Gitano version attracted much attention. Some months later Borrow wrote:-

"No work printed in Spain ever caused so great and so general a sensation, not so much amongst the Gypsies, that peculiar people for whom it was intended, as amongst the Spaniards themselves, who, though they look upon the Roma with some degree of contempt as a low and thievish race of outcasts, nevertheless take a strange interest in all that concerns them, it having been from time immemorial their practice, more especially of the dissolute young n.o.bility, to cultivate the acquaintance of the Gitanos, as they are popularly called, probably attracted by the wild wit of the latter and the lascivious dances of the females. The apparation, therefore, of the Gospel of St Luke at Madrid in the peculiar jargon of these people, was hailed as a strange novelty and almost as a wonder, and I believe was particularly instrumental in bruiting the name of the Bible Society far and wide through Spain, and in creating a feeling far from inimical towards it and its proceedings." {222a}

The little volume appears to have sold freely among the gypsies.

"Many of the men," Borrow says, {222b} "understood it, and prized it highly, induced of course more by the language than the doctrine; the women were particularly anxious to obtain copies, though unable to read; but each wished to have one in her pocket, especially when engaged in thieving expeditions, for they all looked upon it in the light of a charm."

All endeavours to get the prohibition against the sale of the New Testament removed proved unavailing. Borrow"s great strength lay in the support he received from the British Minister, and, in all probability, this prevented his expulsion from Spain, which alone would have satisfied his enemies. At the request of Sir George Villiers, he drew up an account of the Bible Society and an exposition of its views, telling Count Ofalia, among other things, that "the mightiest of earthly monarchs, the late Alexander of Russia, was so convinced of the single-mindedness and integrity of the British and Foreign Bible Society, that he promoted their efforts within his own dominions to the utmost of his ability." He pointed to the condition of Spain, which was "overspread with the thickest gloom of heathenish ignorance, beneath which the fiends and demons of the abyss seem to be holding their ghastly revels." He described it as "a country in which all sense of right and wrong is forgotten . .

. where the name of Jesus is scarcely ever mentioned but in blasphemy, and His precepts [are] almost utterly unknown . . .

[where] the few who are enlightened are too much occupied in the pursuit of lucre, ambition, or unG.o.dly revenge to entertain a desire or thought of bettering the moral state of their countrymen." This report, in which Borrow confesses that he "made no attempts to flatter and cajole," must have caused the British Minister some diplomatic embarra.s.sment when he read it; but it seems to have been presented, although, as is scarcely surprising, it appears to have been ineffectual in causing to be removed the ban against which it was written as a protest.

The Prime Minister was in a peculiarly unpleasant position. On the one hand there was the British Minister using all his influence to get the prohibition rescinded; on the other hand were six bishops, including the primate, then resident in Madrid, and the greater part of the clergy. Count Ofalia applied for a copy of the Gipsy St Luke, and, seeing in this an opening for a personal appeal, Borrow determined to present the volume, specially and handsomely bound, in person, probably the last thing that Count Ofalia expected or desired. The interview produced nothing beyond the conviction in Borrow"s mind that Spain was ruled by a man who possessed the soul of a mouse. Borrow had been received "with great affability," thanked for his present, urged to be patient and peaceable, a.s.sured of the enmity of the clergy, and promised that an endeavour should be made to devise some plan that would be satisfactory to him. The two then "parted in kindness," and as he walked away from the palace, Borrow wondered "by what strange chance this poor man had become Prime Minister of a country like Spain."

In reporting progress to the Bible Society on 17th March Borrow, after a.s.suring Mr Brandram that he had "brought every engine into play which it was in my power to command," asked for instructions.

"Shall I wait a little time longer in Madrid," he enquired; "or shall I proceed at once on a journey to Andalusia and other places? I am in strength, health and spirits, thanks be to the Lord! and am at all times ready to devote myself, body and mind, to His cause." {224a} The decision of the Committee was that he should remain at Madrid.

During the time that Borrow had been preparing his Depot in Madrid, Lieutenant Graydon had been feverishly active in the South. On 19th April Borrow wrote to Mr Brandram:-

"Sir George Villiers has vowed to protect me and has stated so publicly . . . He has gone so far as to state to Ofalia and [Don Ramon de] Gamboa [the Civil Governor], that provided I be allowed to pursue my plans without interruption, he will be my bail (fiador) and answerable for everything I do, as he does me the honor to say that he knows me, and can confide in MY discretion."

In the same letter he begs the Society to be cautious and offer no encouragement to any disposed ""to run the muck" (sic) (it is Sir George"s expression) against the religious and political INSt.i.tUTIONS of Spain"; but "the delicacy of the situation does not appear to have been thoroughly understood at the time even by the Committee at home." {224b} They saw the astonishing success of Graydon in distributing the Scripture, and became infused with his enthusiasm, oblivious to the fact that the greater the enthusiasm the greater the possibilities of indiscretion. On the other hand Graydon himself saw only the glory of the Gospel. If he were indiscreet, it was because he was blinded by the success that attended his efforts, and he failed to see the clouds that were gathering. {225a} Borrow saw the danger of Graydon"s reckless evangelism, and although he himself had few good words for the pope and priestcraft, he recognised that a discreet veiling of his opinions was best calculated to further the ends he had in view.

About this period Borrow became greatly incensed at the action of the Rev. W. H. Rule of Gibraltar in consigning to his care an ex-priest, Don Pascual Mann, who, it was alleged, had been persuaded to secede from Rome "by certain promises and hopes held out" to him. He had accordingly left his benefice and gone to Gibraltar to receive instruction at the hands of Mr Rule. On his return to Valencia his salary was naturally sequestrated, and he was reduced to want. When he arrived at Madrid it was with a letter (12th April) from Mr Rule to Borrow, in which it was stated that Mann was sent that he might "endeavour to circulate the Holy Scriptures, Religious Tracts and books, and if possible prepare the minds of some with a view to the future establishment of a Mission in Madrid."

Borrow had commiserated with the unfortunate Mann, even to the extent of sending him 500 reals out of his own pocket; but on hearing that he was on his way to Madrid to engage in missionary work, he immediately wrote a letter of protest to Mr Brandram. He was angry at Mr Rule"s conduct in saddling him with Mann, and that without any preliminary correspondence. He had entertained Mr Rule when in Madrid, had conversed with him about the unfortunate ex-priest; but there had never been any mention of his being sent to Madrid. Mr Rule, on the other hand, thought it had been arranged that Mann should be sent to Borrow. The whole affair appears to have arisen out of a misunderstanding. There was considerable danger to Borrow in Mann"s presence in the capital; but it was not the thought of the danger that incensed him so much as what he conceived to be Mr Rule"s unwarrantable conduct, and his own deeply-rooted objection to working with anyone else. Mr Brandram repudiated the suggestion that a.s.sistance had been promised Mann from London (although he authorised Borrow to give him ten pounds in his, Brandram"s, name), and gave as an excuse for what Borrow described as the desertion of the ex-priest by those who were responsible for his conversion, that "the man had returned of his own accord to Rome," Graydon vouching for the accuracy of the statement.

On the other hand, Mann stated that he was persuaded to secede by promises made by Graydon and Rule, and induced to sign a doc.u.ment purporting to be a separation from the Roman Church. He further stated that he was abandoned because he refused to preach publicly against the Chapter of Valencia, which in all probability would have resulted in his imprisonment. Whatever the truth, there appears to have been some embarra.s.sment among those responsible for bringing in the lost sheep as to what should be done with him. "I hope that Mann"s history will be a warning to many of our friends," Borrow wrote to Mr Rule and quoted the pa.s.sage in his letter to Mr Brandram, {226a} "and tend to a certain extent to sober down the desire for doing what is called at home SMART THINGS, many of which terminate in a manner very different from the original expectations of the parties concerned." Mr Brandram thought that Borrow was a little hard upon Graydon, and that he had not received "with the due grano salis the statements of the unfortunate M." He intimated, nevertheless, that the Committee had no opening for Mann"s services.

That Borrow was justified in his anger is shown by the fact that, as he had foreseen, he reaped all the odium of Mann"s conversion. The Bishop of Cordoba in Council branded him as "a dangerous, pestilent person, who under the pretence of selling the Scriptures went about making converts, and moreover employed subordinates for the purpose of deluding weak and silly people into separation from the Mother Church." {227a}

Although Borrow was angry about the Mann episode, he did not allow his personal feelings to prevent him from ministering to the needs of the poor ex-priest "as far as prudence will allow," when he fell ill.

He even went the length of writing to Mr Rule, being wishful "not to offend him." None the less he felt that he had not been well treated. To Mr Brandram he wrote reminding him "that all the difficulty and danger connected with what has been accomplished in Spain have fallen to my share, I having been labouring on the flinty rock and sierra, and not in smiling meadows refreshed by sea breezes." {227b}

On 14th July 1838 Borrow made the last reference to the ex-priest in a letter to Mr Brandram: "The unfortunate M. is dying of a galloping consumption, brought on by distress of mind. All the medicine in the world would not accomplish his cure." {227c}

The watchful eye of the law was still on Borrow, and fearful lest his stock of Bibles, of which 500 had arrived from Barcelona, and the Gypsy and Basque editions of St Luke should he seized, he hired a room where he stored the bulk of the books. He now advertised the two editions of St Luke, with the result that on 16th April a party of Alguazils entered the shop and took possession of twenty-five copies of the Romany Gospel of St Luke.

On the publication of the Gypsy St Luke, a fresh campaign had been opened against Borrow, and accusations of sorcery were made and fears expressed as to the results of the publication of the book.

Application was made by the priestly party to the Civil Governor, with the result that all the copies at the Des.p.a.cho of the Basque and Gitano versions of St Luke had been seized. Borrow states that the Alguazils "divided the copies of the gypsy volume among themselves, selling subsequently the greater number at a large price, the book being in the greatest demand." {228a} Thus the very officials responsible for the seizure and suppression of the Bible Society"s books in Spain became "unintentionally agents of an heretical society." {228b}

Disappointed at the smallness of the spoil, the authorities strove by artifice to discover if Borrow still had copies of the books in his possession. To this end they sent to the Des.p.a.cho spies, who offered high prices for copies of the Gitano St Luke, in which their interest seemed specially to centre, to the exclusion of the Basque version.

To these enquiries the same answer was returned, that at present no further books would be sold at the Des.p.a.cho.

As evidence of the high opinion formed of the Romany version of St Luke, the following story told by Borrow is amusing:-

"Shortly before my departure a royal edict was published, authorising all public libraries to provide themselves with copies of the said works [the Basque and Gypsy St Lukes] on account of their philological merit; whereupon on application being made to the Office [of the Civil Governor, where the books were supposed to be stored], it was discovered that the copies of the Gospel in Basque were safe and forthcoming, whilst every one of the sequestered copies of the Gitano Gospel had been plundered by hands unknown [to the authorities]. The consequence was that I was myself applied to by the agents of the public libraries of Valencia and other places, who paid me the price of the copies which they received, a.s.suring me at the same time that they were authorised to purchase them at whatever price which might be demanded." {229a}

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