296. Qu. Whether every man doth not know, and hath not long known, that the want of a mint causeth many other wants in this kingdom?
297. Qu. What harm did England sustain about three centuries ago, when silver was coined in this kingdom?
298. Qu. What harm was it to Spain that her provinces of Naples and Sicily had all along mints of their own?
299. Qu. Whether those who have the interests of this kingdom at heart, and are concerned in the councils thereof, ought not to make the most humble and earnest representations to his Majesty, that he may vouchsafe to grant us that favour, the want of which is ruinous to our domestic industry, and the having of which would interfere with no interest of our fellow-subjects?
300. Qu. Whether it may not be presumed that our not having a privilege which every other kingdom in the world enjoys, be not owing to our want of diligence and unanimity in soliciting for it?
301. Qu. Whether his most gracious Majesty hath ever been addressed on this head in a proper manner, and had the case fairly stated for his royal consideration, and if not, whether we may not blame ourselves?
302. Qu. If his Majesty would be pleased to grant us a mint, whether the consequences thereof may not prove a valuable consideration to the crown?
303. Qu. Whether it be not the interest of England that we should cultivate a domestic commerce among ourselves? And whether it could give them any possible jealousy, if our small sum of cash was contrived to go a little further, if there was a little more life in our markets, a little more buying and selling in our shops, a little better provision for the backs and bellies of so many forlorn wretches throughout the towns and villages of this island?
304. Qu. Whether Great Britain ought not to promote the prosperity of her Colonies, by all methods consistent with her own? And whether the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others?
305. Qu. Whether the remotest parts from the metropolis, and the lowest of the people, are not to be regarded as the extremities and capillaries of the political body?
306. Qu. Whether, although the capillary vessels are small, yet obstructions in them do not produce great chronical diseases?
307. Qu. Whether faculties are not enlarged and improved by exercise?
308. Qu. Whether the sum of the faculties put into act, or, in other words, the united action of a whole people, doth not const.i.tute the momentum of a State?
309. Qu. Whether such momentum be not the real stock or wealth of a State; and whether its credit be not proportional thereunto?
310. Qu. Whether in every wise State the faculties of the mind are not most considered?
311. Qu. Whether every kind of employment or business, as it implies more skill and exercise of the higher powers, be not more valued?
312. Qu. Whether the momentum of a State doth not imply the whole exertion of its faculties, intellectual and corporeal; and whether the latter without the former could act in concert?
313. Qu. Whether the divided force of men, acting singly, would not be a rope of sand?
314. Qu. Whether the particular motions of the members of a State, in opposite directions, will not destroy each other, and lessen the momentum of the whole; but whether they must not conspire to produce a great effect?
315. Qu. Whether the ready means to put spirit into this State, to fortify and increase its momentum, would not be a national bank, and plenty of small cash?
316. Qu. Whether private endeavours without a.s.sistance from the public are likely to advance our manufactures and commerce to any great degree? But whether, as bills uttered from a national bank upon private mortgages would facilitate the purchases and projects of private men, even so the same bills uttered on the public security alone may not answer pubic ends in promoting new works and manufactures throughout the kingdom?
317. Qu. Whether that which employs and exerts the force of a community deserves not to be well considered and well understood?
318. Qu. Whether the immediate mover, the blood and spirits, be not money, paper, or metal; and whether the soul or will of the community, which is the prime mover that governs and directs the whole, be not the legislature?
319. Qu. Supposing the inhabitants of a country quite sunk in sloth, or even fast asleep, whether, upon the gradual awakening and exertion, first of the sensitive and locomotive faculties, next of reason and reflexion, then of justice and piety, the momentum of such country or State would not, in proportion thereunto, become still more and more considerable?
320. Qu. Whether that which in the growth is last attained, and is the finishing perfection of a people, be not the first thing lost in their declension?
321. Qu. Whether force be not of consequence, as it is exerted; and whether great force without great wisdom may not be a nuisance?
322. Qu. Whether the force of a child, applied with art, may not produce greater effects than that of a giant? And whether a small stock in the hands of a wise State may not go further, and produce more considerable effects, than immense sums in the hands of a foolish one?
323. Qu. Whether as many as wish well to their country ought not to aim at increasing its momentum?
324. Qu. Whose fault is it if poor Ireland still continues poor?
FINIS