Off the east coast of New Holland, the _Pandora_ ran on a reef, and was speedily a wreck. In an hour and a half after she struck, there were eight and a half feet of water in her hold, and in spite of continuous pumping and baling, it became evident that she was a doomed vessel. With all the efforts made to save the crew, thirty-one of the ship"s company and four mutineers were lost with the vessel. Very little notice, indeed, seems to have been taken of the latter by the captain, who was afterwards accused of considerable inhumanity. "Before the final catastrophe," says the surgeon of the vessel, "three of the _Bounty"s_ people, Coleman, Norman, and M"Intosh, were now let out of irons, and sent to work at the pumps.
The others offered their a.s.sistance, and begged to be allowed a chance of saving their lives; instead of which, two additional sentinels were placed over them, with orders to shoot any who should attempt to get rid of their fetters. Seeing no prospect of escape, they betook themselves to prayer, and prepared to meet their fate, every one expecting that the ship would soon go to pieces, her rudder and part of the stern-post being already beaten away." When the ship was actually sinking, it is stated that no notice was taken of the prisoners, although Captain Edwards was entreated by young Heywood, the midshipman, to have mercy on them, when he pa.s.sed over their prison to make his own escape, the ship then lying on her broadside with the larboard bow completely under water. Fortunately, the master-at-arms, either by accident, or probably design, when slipping from the roof of "Pandora"s Box" into the sea, let the keys unlocking the hand-cuffs and irons fall through the scuttle, and thus enabled them to commence their own liberation, in which they were a.s.sisted by one brave seaman, William Moulter, who said he would set them free or go to the bottom with them. He wrenched away, with great difficulty, the bars of the prison. Immediately after the ship went down, leaving nothing visible but the top-mast cross-trees.
More than half an hour elapsed before the survivors were all picked up by the boats. Amongst the drowned were Mr. Stewart, the midshipman, and three others of the _Bounty"s_ people, the whole of whom perished with the manacles on their hands. Thirty-one of the ship"s company were lost. The four boat-loads which escaped had scarcely any provisions on board, the allowance being two wine-gla.s.ses of water to each man, and a very small quant.i.ty of bread, calculated for sixteen days. Their voyage of 1,000 miles on the open ocean, and the sufferings endured, were similar to those experienced by Bligh"s party, but not so severe. After staying at Coupang for about three weeks, they left on a Dutch East Indiaman, which conveyed them to Samarang, and subsequently Batavia, whence they proceeded to Europe.
After an exhaustive court-martial had been held on the ten prisoners brought home by Captain Edwards, three of the seamen were condemned and executed; Mr. Heywood, the midshipman, the boatswain"s-mate, and the steward were sentenced to death, but afterwards pardoned; four others were tried and acquitted. It will be remembered that four others were drowned at the wreck.
Twenty years had rolled away, and the mutiny of the _Bounty_ was almost forgotten, when Captain Folger, of the American ship _Topaz_, reported to Sir Sydney Smith, at Valparaiso, that he had discovered the last of the survivors on Pitcairn Island. This fact was transmitted to the Admiralty, and received on May 14th, 1809, but the troublous times prevented any immediate investigation. In 1814, H.M.S. _Briton_, commanded by Sir Thomas Staines, and the _Tagus_, Captain Pipon, were cruising in the Pacific, when they fell in with the little known island of Pitcairn. He discovered not merely that it was inhabited, but afterwards, to his great astonishment, that every individual on the island spoke very good English.
The little village was composed of neat huts, embowered in luxuriant plantations. "Presently they observed a few natives coming down a steep descent with their canoes on their shoulders, and in a few minutes perceived one of these little vessels dashing through a heavy surf, and paddling off towards the ships; but their astonishment was extreme when, on coming alongside, they were hailed in the English language with "Won"t you heave us a rope now?"
"The first young man that sprang with extraordinary alacrity up the side and stood before them on the deck, said, in reply to the question, "Who are you?" that his name was Thursday October Christian, son of the late Fletcher Christian, by an Otaheitan mother; that he was the first born on the island, and that he was so called because he was brought into the world on a Thursday in October. Singularly strange as all this was to Sir Thomas Staines and Captain Pipon, this youth soon satisfied them that he was none other than the person he represented himself to be, and that he was fully acquainted with the whole history of the _Bounty_; and, in short, the island before them was the retreat of the mutineers of that ship. Young Christian was, at this time, about twenty-four years of age, a fine tall youth, full six feet high, with dark, almost black hair, and a countenance open and extremely interesting. As he wore no clothes, except a piece of cloth round his loins, and a straw hat, ornamented with black c.o.c.k"s feathers, his fine figure, and well-shaped muscular limbs, were displayed to great advantage, and attracted general admiration. * * * He told them that he was married to a woman much older than himself, one of those that had accompanied his father from Otaheite. His companion was a fine, handsome youth of seventeen or eighteen years of age, of the name of George Young, the son of Young, the midshipman." In the cabin, when invited to refreshments, one of them astonished the captains by asking the blessing with much appearance of devotion, "For what we are going to receive, the Lord make us truly thankful." The only surviving Englishman of the crew was John Adams, and when the captains landed through the surf, with no worse result than a good wetting, the old man came down to meet them. Both he and his aged wife were at first considerably alarmed at seeing the king"s uniform, but was rea.s.sured when he was told that they had no intention of disturbing him. Adams said that he had no great share in the mutiny, that he was sick at the time, and was afterwards compelled to take a musket. He even expressed his willingness to go to England, but this was strongly opposed by his daughter. "All the women burst into tears, and the young men stood motionless and absorbed in grief; but on their being a.s.sured that he should on no account be molested, it is impossible," says Pipon, "to describe the universal joy that these poor people manifested."
[Ill.u.s.tration: H.M.S. "BRITON," AT PITCAIRN ISLAND.]
When Christian had arrived at the island, he found no good anchorage, so he ran the _Bounty_ into a small creek against the cliff, in order to get out of her such articles as might be of use. Having stripped her, he set fire to the hull, so that afterwards she should not be seen by pa.s.sing vessels, and his retreat discovered. It is pretty clear that the misguided young man was never happy after the rash and mutinous step he had taken, and he became sullen, morose, and tyrannical to his companions. He was at length shot by an Otaheitan, and in a short time only two of the mutineers were left alive.
[Ill.u.s.tration: PITCAIRN ISLAND.]
The colony at this time comprised forty-six persons, mostly grown-up young people, all of prepossessing appearance. John Adams had made up for any share he may have had in the revolt, by instructing them in religious and moral principles. The girls were modest and bashful, with bright eyes, beautifully white teeth, and every indication of health. They carried baskets of fruit over such roads and down such precipices as were scarcely pa.s.sable by any creatures except goats, and over which we could scarcely scramble with the help of our hands. When Captain Beechey, in his well-known voyage of discovery on the _Blossom_, called there in 1825, he found Adams, then in his sixty-fifth year, dressed in a sailor"s shirt and trousers, and with all a sailor"s manners, doffing his hat and smoothing down his bald forehead whenever he was addressed by the officers of the _Blossom_. Many circ.u.mstances connected with the subsequent history of the happy little colony cannot be detailed here. Suffice it to say that it still thrives, and is one of the most model settlements of the whole world, although descended from a stock so bad. Of the nine who landed on Pitcairn"s Island only two died a natural death. Of the original officers and crew of the _Bounty_ more than half perished in various untimely ways, the whole burden of guilt resting on Christian and his fellow-conspirators.
The mutiny just described sinks into insignificance before that which is about to be recounted, the greatest mutiny of English history-that of the Nore. At that one point no less than 40,000 men were concerned, while the disaffection spread to many other stations, some of them far abroad. There can be little doubt that prior to 1797, the year of the event, our sailors had laboured under many grievances, while the navy was full of "pressed"
men, a portion of whom were sure to retain a thorough dislike to the service, although so many fought and died bravely for their country. Some of the grievances which the navy suffered were probably the result of careless and negligent legislation, rather than of deliberate injustice, but they were none the less galling on that account. The pay of the sailor had remained unchanged from the reign of Charles II., although the prices of the necessaries and common luxuries of life had greatly risen. His pension had also remained at a stationary rate; that of the soldier had been augmented. On the score of provisions he was worse off than an ordinary pauper. He was in the hands of the purser, whose usual t.i.tle at that time indicates his unpopularity: he was termed "Nipcheese." The provisions served were of the worst quality; fourteen instead of sixteen ounces went to the navy pound. The purser of those days was taken from an inferior cla.s.s of men, and often obtained his position by influence, rather than merit. He generally retired on a competency after a life of deliberate dishonesty towards the defenders of his country, who, had they received everything to which they were ent.i.tled, would not have been too well treated, and, as it was, were cheated and robbed, without scruple and without limit. The reader will recall the many naval novels, in which poor Jack"s daily allowance of grog was curtailed by the purveyor"s thumb being put in the pannikin: this was the least of the evils he suffered. In those war times the discipline of the service was specially rigid and severe, and most of this was doubtless necessary. Men were not readily obtained in sufficient numbers; consequently, when in harbour, leave ash.o.r.e was very constantly refused, for fear of desertions. These and a variety of other grievances, real or fancied, nearly upset the equilibrium of our entire navy. It is not too much to say that not merely England"s naval supremacy was for a time in the greatest jeopardy through the disaffection of the men, but that our national existence, almost-and most certainly our existence as a first-cla.s.s power-was alarmingly threatened, the cause being nothing more nor less than a very general spirit of mutiny. To do the sailors justice, they sought at first to obtain fair play by all legitimate means in their power. It must be noted, also, that a large number of our best officers knew that there was very general discontent.
Furthermore, it was well known on sh.o.r.e that numerous secret societies opposed to monarchy, and incited by the example of the French Revolution, had been established. Here, again, the Government had made a fatal mistake. Members of these societies had been convicted in numbers, and sent to sea as a punishment. These men almost naturally became ringleaders and partakers in the mutiny, which would, however, have occurred sooner or later, under any circ.u.mstances. In the case of the mutiny at Spithead, about to be recounted, the sailors exhibited an organisation and an amount of information which might have been expected from "sea-lawyers" rather than ordinary Jack Tars; while in the more serious rebellion of the Nore, the co-operation of other agents was established beyond doubt.
The first step taken by the men was perfectly legitimate, and had it been met in a proper spirit by the authorities, this history need never have been penned. At the end of February, 1797, the crews of four line-of-battle ships at Spithead addressed separate pet.i.tions to Lord Howe, Commander-in-Chief of the Channel Fleet, asking his kind interposition with the Admiralty, to obtain from them a relief of their grievances, so that they might at length be put on a similar footing to the army and militia, in respect both of their pay and of the provision they might be enabled to make for their wives and families. Lord Howe, being then in bad health, communicated the subject of their pet.i.tions to Lord Bridport and Sir Peter Parker, the port admiral, who, with a want of foresight and disregard of their country"s interest which cannot be excused, returned answer that "the pet.i.tions were the work of some evil-disposed person or persons," and took no trouble to investigate the allegations contained in them. Lord Howe, therefore, did nothing; and the seamen, finding their applications for redress not only disregarded, but treated with contempt, determined to compel the authorities to give them that relief which they had before submissively asked.
In about six weeks they organised their plans with such secrecy that it was not till everything was arranged on a working basis that the first admiral, Lord Bridport, gained any knowledge of the conspiracy going on around him. He communicated his suspicions to the Lords of the Admiralty; and they, thinking a little active service would prove the best cure for what they simply regarded as a momentary agitation, sent down orders for the Channel Fleet to put to sea. The orders arrived at Portsmouth on April 15th, and in obedience to them Lord Bridport signalled to the fleet to make the necessary preparations. As might almost have been expected, it was the signal, likewise, for the outbreak of the mutiny. Not a sailor bestirred himself; not a rope was bent; but, as if by common consent, the crews of every vessel in the squadron manned the yards and rigging, and gave three cheers. They then proceeded to take the command of each ship from the officers, and appointed delegates from each vessel to conduct negotiations with the authorities of the Admiralty. No violence nor force was used. The first-lieutenant of the _London_, ordered by Admiral Colpoys, one of the best-hated officers of the service, shot one of the mutineers, but his death was not avenged. They again forwarded their pet.i.tion to the Admiralty, and its closing sentences showed their temperance, and argued strongly in favour of their cause. They desired "to convince the nation at large that they knew where to cease to ask, as well as where to begin; and that they asked nothing but what was moderate, and might be granted without detriment to the nation or injury to the service." The Admiralty authorities, seeing that with the great power in their hands they had acted peaceably, only abstaining from work, yielded all the concessions asked; and a full pardon was granted in the king"s name to the fleet in general, and to the ringleaders in particular. In a word, the mutiny ended for the time being.
[Ill.u.s.tration: THE MUTINY AT PORTSMOUTH.]
It was resumed on May 7th. As Parliament had delayed in pa.s.sing the appropriations for the increase of pay and pensions, the crews rose _en ma.s.se_ and disarmed all their officers, although still abstaining from actual violence. Lord Howe, always a popular officer with the men, and their especial idol after his great victory of June 1st, 1794, was sent down by the Cabinet with full power to ratify all the concessions which had been made, and to do his best to convince the men that the Government had no desire of evading them. He completely mollified the men, and even succeeded in exacting an expression of regret and contrition for their outbreak. He a.s.sured them that their every grievance should be considered, and a free pardon, as before, given to all concerned. The men again returned to duty. The fleet at Plymouth, which had followed that of Portsmouth into the mutiny, did the same; and thus, in a month from the first outbreak, as far as these two great fleets were concerned, all disaffection, dissatisfaction, and discontent had pa.s.sed away, through the tact and judicious behaviour of Lord Howe. There can be no doubt that the tyranny of many of the officers had a vast deal to do with the outbreak.
In the list of officers whom the men considered obnoxious, and that Lord Howe agreed should be removed, there were over one hundred in one fleet of sixteen ships.
Strange to say, the very same week in which the men of the Portsmouth fleet returned to their duty, acknowledging all their grievances to be removed, the fleet at the Nore arose in a violent state of mutiny, displaying very different attributes to those shown by the former. Forty thousand men, who had fought many a battle for king and country, and in steadfast reliance upon whose bravery the people rested every night in tranquillity, confident in their patriotism and loyalty, became irritated by ungrateful neglect on the one part, and by seditious advisers on the other, and turned the guns which they had so often fired in defence of the English flag against their own countrymen and their own homes.
Richard Parker, the chief ringleader at the Nore, was a thoroughly bad man in every respect, and one utterly unworthy the t.i.tle of a British sailor, of which, indeed, he had been more than once formally deprived. He was the son of an Exeter tradesman in a fair way of business, had received a good education, and was possessed of decided abilities. He was a remarkably bold and resolute man, or he would never have acquired the hold he had for a time over so many brave sailors. He was unmistakably
"The leader of the band he had undone, Who, born for better things, had madly set His life upon a _cast_,"
and until overtaken by justice, he ruled with absolute sway.
Parker had, eleven years previously, entered the navy as a midshipman on board the _Culloden_, from which vessel he had been discharged for gross misconduct. A little later, he obtained, however, a similar appointment on the _Leander_ frigate, and was again dismissed. We next find him pa.s.sing through several ships in rotation, from which he was invariably dismissed, no captain allowing him to remain when his true character disclosed itself. It did not usually take long. At length he became mate of the _Resistance_, on which vessel, shortly after joining, he was brought to a court-martial and "broke"-_i.e._, his commission taken away-and declared incapable of serving again as an officer. After serving a short time as a common sailor on board the _Hebe_, he was either invalided or discharged, for we find him residing in Scotland; and as he could no more keep out of trouble ash.o.r.e than he could afloat, he was soon in Edinburgh gaol for debt. But men were wanted for the navy, and he was eventually sent up to the fleet as one of the quota of men required from Perth district. He received the parochial bounty of 30 allowed to each man. He joined the _Sandwich_, the flag-ship of Admiral Buckner, Commander-in-Chief at the Nore. The best authorities believe him to have been employed as an emissary of the revolutionists, as, although he had only just been discharged from gaol, he had abundance of money. His good address and general abilities, combined with the liberality and conviviality he displayed, speedily obtained him an influence among his messmates, which he used to the worst purpose. He had scarcely joined the fleet when, aided by disaffected parties ash.o.r.e, he began his machinations, and speedily seduced the majority of the seamen from their duty. In some respects the men followed the example of those at Portsmouth, selecting delegates and forwarding pet.i.tions, but in other respects their conduct was disgracefully different. When mastery of the officers had been effected, Parker became, in effect, Lord High Admiral, and committed any number of excesses, even firing on those ships which had not followed the movement.
Officers were flogged, and on board the flag-ship, the vessel on which Parker remained, many were half-drowned, as the following account, derived from an unimpeachable source,(127) will show. Their hammocks were fastened to their backs, with an 18-pounder bar-shot as a weight; their hands were tied together, likewise their feet. They were then made fast to a tackle suspended from a yard-arm, and hauled up almost to the block; at the word of command they were dropped suddenly in the sea, where they were allowed to remain a minute. They were again hoisted up, and the process repeated, until about every sign of life had fled. The unfortunate victims were then hoisted up by the heels; this was considerately done to get rid of the water from their stomachs. They were then put to bed in their wet hammocks.
[Ill.u.s.tration: ADMIRAL DUNCAN ADDRESSING HIS CREW.]
On June 6th the mutinous fleet was joined by the _Agamemnon_, _Leopard_, _Ardent_, and _Iris_ men-of-war, and the _Ranger_ sloop, which vessels basely deserted from a squadron under Admiral Duncan, sent to blockade the Texel. Shortly after, a number of vessels of the line arrived at the mouth of the Thames, and still further augmented the ranks of the mutineers. By this means eleven vessels were added to the list. Duncan, gallant old salt as he was, when he found himself deserted by the greater part of his fleet, called his own ship"s crew (the _Venerable_, 74) together, and addressed them in the following speech:-
"My lads,-I once more call you together with a sorrowful heart, from what I have lately seen of the dissatisfaction of the fleets: I call it dissatisfaction, for the crews have no grievances. To be deserted by my fleet, in the face of an enemy, is a disgrace which, I believe, never before happened to a British admiral, nor could I have supposed it possible. My greatest comfort under G.o.d is, that I have been supported by the officers, seamen, and marines of this ship; for which, with a heart overflowing with grat.i.tude, I request you to accept my sincere thanks. I flatter myself much good may result from your example, by bringing these deluded people to a sense of their duty, which they owe, not only to their king and country, but to themselves.
"The British Navy has ever been the support of that liberty which has been handed down to us by our ancestors, and which I think we shall maintain to the latest posterity; and that can only be done by unanimity and obedience. This ship"s company, and others who have distinguished themselves by their loyalty and good order, deserve to be, and doubtless will be, the favourites of a grateful country. They will also have, from their inward feelings, a comfort which will be lasting, and not like the bloating and false confidence of those who have swerved from their duty.
"It has often been my pride with you to look into the Texel, and see a foe which dreaded coming out to meet us; my pride is now humbled indeed! my feelings are not easily expressed! Our cup has overflowed and made us wanton. The all-wise Providence has given us this check as a warning, and I hope we shall improve by it. On Him then let us trust, where our only security may be found. I find there are many good men amongst us; for my own part, I have had full confidence of all in this ship, and once more beg to express my approbation of your conduct.
"May G.o.d, who has thus far conducted you, continue so to do; and may the British Navy, the glory and support of our country, be restored to its wonted splendour, and be not only the bulwark of Britain, but the terror of the world.
"But this can only be effected by a strict adherence to our duty and obedience; and let us pray that the Almighty G.o.d may keep us in the right way of thinking.
"G.o.d bless you all!"
At an address so una.s.suming and patriotic, the whole ship"s crew were dissolved in tears, and one and all declared, with every expression of warmth they could use, their determination to stay by the admiral in life or death. Their example was followed by all the other ships left in the squadron, and the brave and excellent old admiral, notwithstanding the defection of so many of his ships, repaired to his station, off the coast of Holland, to watch the movements of the Dutch fleet. Here he employed a device to hide the spa.r.s.eness of his fleet by employing one of his frigates, comparatively close in sh.o.r.e, to make signals constantly to himself and to the other vessels in the offing, many of them imaginary, and give the enemy the impression that a large squadron was outside. He had resolved, however, not to refuse battle, if the Dutch fleet should have the courage to come out and offer it.
But to return to the mutineers. The accession of the new vessels so elated Parker that he gave way to the wildest fits of extravagance. He talked of taking the whole fleet to sea, and selling it to our enemies. He tried to stop the navigation of the Thames, declaring that he would force his way up to London, and bombard the city if the Government did not accede to his terms. The alarm at these proceedings became general in the metropolis, and the funds fell lower than ever known before or since in the financial history of our country. An order was given to take up the buoys marking the channel of the Thames, while the forts were heavily armed and garrisoned, so that should Parker attempt his vainglorious threat, the fleet might be destroyed. The Government now acted with more promptness and decision than they had previously displayed. Lord Spencer, Lord Arden, and Admiral Young hastened to Sheerness, and held a board, at which Parker and the other delegates attended, but the conduct of the mutineers was so audacious that these Lords of the Admiralty returned to town without the slightest success. The princ.i.p.al article of conflict on the part of the seamen"s delegates was the unequal distribution of prize-money, for the omission of which matter in the recent demands, they greatly upbraided their fellow-seamen at Portsmouth. Bills were immediately pa.s.sed in Parliament inflicting the heaviest penalties on those who aided or encouraged the mutineers in any way, or even held intercourse with them, which speedily had the effect of damping their ardour, and by the end of the first week in June the fire which Parker had fanned into a serious conflagration, began to die out. The fleets at Portsmouth and Plymouth disowned all fellowship with them, and the example of one or two ships, such as the _Clyde_, which from the first had resisted Parker"s influence, commenced to be of effect. The ringleader himself, seeing that his influence was waning, and knowing the perilous position in which he had placed himself, tried to re-open negotiations with the Admiralty, but his demands were too ridiculous to be considered; whereupon he hung Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas in effigy at the yard-arm of the _Sandwich_. It is a curious fact, showing that the crews were simply egged on by the ringleaders, and that there was plenty of loyalty at bottom, that on June 4th, the king"s birthday, the whole fleet insisted on firing a royal salute, displaying the colours as usual, and hauling down the red flag during the ceremony. Mr. Parker, however, insisted that it should fly on the flag-ship.
On June 10th two of the ships, the _Leopard_ and _Repulse_, hauled down the flag of mutiny, and sailed into the Thames; their example was soon followed by others. Parker and his cause were lost.
On the evening of June 14th this miserable affair was at an end. The crew of the _Sandwich_, Parker"s own ship, brought that vessel under the guns of the fort at Sheerness, and handed him as a prisoner to the authorities.
Sixteen days afterwards he was hanged. His wife presented a pet.i.tion to the queen in favour of her wretched husband, and is stated to have offered a thousand guineas if his life could be spared. But he, of all men who were ever hanged, deserved his fate, for he had placed the very kingdom itself in peril. Other executions took place, but very few, considering the heinousness of the crime committed. Still, the Government knew that the men had been in the larger proportion of cases more sinned against than sinning; and when later, Duncan"s victory over the Dutch fleet provided an occasion, an amnesty was published, and many who had been confined in prison, some of them under sentence of death, were released.
_En pa.s.sant_, it may be remarked that three marines were shot at Plymouth on July 6th of the same year, for endeavouring to excite a mutiny in the corps, while another was sentenced to receive a _thousand_ lashes.
The mutinous spirit evinced at Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the Nore spread, even to foreign stations. Had it not been for Duncan"s manly and sensible appeal to his crew, where there were some disaffected spirits, our naval supremacy might have been seriously compromised as regards the Dutch. On board the Mediterranean Fleet, then lying off the coast of Portugal, the mutineers had for a time their own way. The admiral commanding, Lord St.
Vincent, was, however, hardly the man to be daunted by any number of evil-disposed fellows. He had only just before added to his laurels by another victory over the enemies of his country. The ringleaders on board the flagship _St. George_ were immediately seized, brought to trial, and hanged the next day, although it was Sunday, a most unusual time for an execution. Still further to increase the force of the example, he departed from the usual custom of drawing men from different ships to a.s.sist at the execution, and ordered that none but the crew of the _St. George_ itself should touch a rope. The brave old admiral, by his energy and prompt.i.tude, soon quieted every symptom of disaffection.
[Ill.u.s.tration: LORD ST. VINCENT.]
The last of the mutinies broke out at the Cape of Good Hope, on October 9th of the same year, when a band of mutineers seized the flagship of Admiral Pringle, and appointed delegates in the same way as their shipmates at home, showing plainly how extended was the discontent in the service, and how complete was the organisation of the insurgents. Lord Macartney, who commanded at the Cape, was, however, master of the occasion. Of the admiral the less said the better, as he showed the white feather, and was completely non-plussed. Macartney manned the batteries with all the troops available, and ordered red-hot shot to be prepared. He then informed the fleet that if the red flag was not at once withdrawn, and a white one hoisted, he would open fire and blow up every ship the crew of which held out. The admiral at the same time informed the delegates that all the concessions they required had already been granted to the fleets at home, and of course to them. In a quarter of an hour the red flag was hauled down, and a free pardon extended to the bulk of the offenders. The ringleaders were, however, hanged, and a few others flogged. The mutinous spirit never re-a.s.serted itself.
Since that time, thank G.o.d! no British fleet has mutinied; and as at the present day the sailors of the Royal Navy are better fed, paid, and cared for than they ever were before, there is no fear of any recurrence of disaffection. One need only look at the Jack Tar of the service, and compare him with the appearance of almost any sailor of any merchant marine, to be convinced that his grievances to-day are of the lightest order. The wrongs experienced by sailors in a part of the merchant service have been recently remedied in part; but it is satisfactory to be able to add that there is every probability of their condition being greatly improved in the future. On this point, however, we shall have more to say in a later chapter.
CHAPTER XV.
THE HISTORY OF SHIPS AND SHIPPING INTERESTS.
The First Attempts to Float-Hollowed Logs and Rafts-The Ark and its Dimensions-Skin Floats and Basket-boats-Maritime Commerce of Antiquity-Phnician Enterprise-Did they Round the Cape?-The Ships of Tyre-Carthage-Hanno"s Voyage to the West Coast of Africa-Egyptian Galleys-The Great Ships of the Ptolemies-Hiero"s Floating Palace-The Romans-Their Repugnance to Seafaring Pursuits-Sea Battles with the Carthaginians-Cicero"s Opinions on Commerce-Constantinople and its Commerce-Venice-Britain-The First Invasion under Julius Caesar-Benefits Accruing-The Danish Pirates-The London of the Period-The Father of the British Navy-Alfred and his Victories-Canute"s Fleet-The Norman Invasion-The Crusades-Richard Cur de Lion"s Fleet-The Cinque Ports and their Privileges-Foundation of a Maritime Code-Letters of Marque-Opening of the Coal Trade-Chaucer"s Description of the Sailors of his Time-A Glorious Period-The Victories at Harfleur-Henry V."s Fleet of 1,500 Vessels-The Channel Marauders-The King-Maker Pirate-Sir Andrew Wood"s Victory-Action with Scotch Pirates-The _Great Michael_ and the _Great Harry_-Queen Elizabeth"s Astuteness-The Nation never so well Provided-"The Most Fortunate and Invincible Armada"-Its Size and Strength-Elizabeth"s Appeal to the Country-A n.o.ble Response-Effingham"s Appointment-The Armada"s First Disaster-Refitted, and Resails from Corunna-Chased in the Rear-A Series of _Contretemps_-English Volunteer Ships in Numbers-The Fire-ships at Calais-The Final Action-Flight of the Armada-Fate of Shipwrecked Spanish in Ireland-Total Loss to Spain-Rejoicings and Thanksgivings in England.
It will not now be out of place to take a rapid survey of the progress of naval architecture, from log and coracle to wooden walls and ironclads, noting rapidly the progressive steps which led to the present epoch.
It is only from the Scriptures, and from fragmentary allusions in the writings of profane historians and poets, that we can derive any knowledge of the vessels employed by the ancients. Doubtless our first parents noticed branches of trees or fragments of wood floating upon the surface of that "river" which "went out of Eden to water the garden;" and from this to the use of logs singly, or combined in rafts, or hollowed into canoes, would be an easy transition. The first boat was probably a mere toy model; and, likely enough, great was the surprise when it was discovered that its sides, though thin, would support a considerable weight in the water. The first specimen of naval architecture of which we have any description is unquestionably the ark, built by Noah. If the cubit be taken as eighteen inches, she was 450 feet long, 75 in breadth, and 45 in depth, whilst her tonnage, according to the present system of admeasurement, would be about 15,000 tons. It is more than probable that this huge vessel was, after all, little more than a raft, or barge, with a stupenduous house reared over it, for it was constructed merely for the purpose of floating, and needed no means of propulsion. She may have been, comparatively speaking, slightly built in her lofty upper works, her carrying capacity being thereby largely increased. Soon after the Flood, if not, indeed, before it, other means of flotation must have suggested themselves, such as the inflated skins of animals; these may be seen on the ancient monuments of a.s.syria, discovered by Layard, where there are many representations of people crossing rivers by this means. Next came wicker-work baskets of rushes or reeds, smeared with mud or pitch, similar to the ark in which Moses was found. Mr. Layard found such boats in use on the Tigris; they were constructed of twisted reeds made water-tight by bitumen, and were often large enough for four or five persons. Pliny says, in his time, "_Even now_ in British waters, vessels of vine-twigs sewn round with leather are used." The words in italics might be used were Pliny writing to-day. Basket-work coracles, covered with leather or prepared flannel, are still found in a few parts of Wales, where they are used for fording streams, or for fishing. Wooden canoes or boats, whether hollowed from one log or constructed of many parts, came next. The paintings and sculptures of Upper and Lower Egypt show regularly formed boats, made of sawn planks of timber, carrying a number of rowers, and having sails. The Egyptians were averse to seafaring pursuits, having extensive overland commerce with their neighbours.
The Phnicians were, past all cavil, the most distinguished navigators of the ancient world, their capital, Tyre, being for centuries the centre of commerce, the "mart of nations." Strange to say, this country, whose inhabitants were the rulers of the sea in those times, was a mere strip of land, whose average breadth never exceeded twelve miles, while its length was only 225 miles from Aradus in the north to Joppa in the south. Forced by the unproductiveness of the territory, and blessed with one or two excellent harbours, and an abundant supply of wood from the mountains of Lebanon, the Phnicians soon possessed a numerous fleet, which not only monopolised the trade of the Mediterranean, but navigated Solomon"s fleets to the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean, establishing colonies wherever they went. Herodotus states that a Phnician fleet, which was fitted out by Necho, King of Egypt, even circ.u.mnavigated Africa, and gives details which seem to place it within the category of the very greatest voyages.
Starting from the Red Sea, they are stated to have pa.s.sed Ophir, generally supposed to mean part of the east coast of Africa, to have rounded the continent, and, entering the Mediterranean by the Pillars of Hercules, our old friends the Rocks of Gibraltar and Ceuta, to have reached Egypt in the third year of their voyage. Solomon, too, dispatched a fleet of ships from the Red Sea to fetch gold from Ophir. Diodorus gives at great length an account of the fleet said to be built by this people for the great Queen Semiramis, with which she invaded India. Semiramis was long believed by many to be a mythical personage; but Sir Henry Rawlinson"s interpretations of the a.s.syrian inscriptions have placed the existence of this queen beyond all doubt. In the a.s.syrian hall of the British Museum are two statues of the G.o.d Nebo, each of which bears a cuneiform inscription saying that they were made for Queen Semiramis by a sculptor of Nineveh.
The commerce of Phnicia must have been at its height when Nebuchadnezzar made his attack on Tyre. Ezekiel gives a description of her power about the year B.C. 588, when ruin was hovering around her. "Tyre," says the prophet, "was a merchant of the people for many isles." He states that her ship-boards were made of fir-trees of Senir; her masts of cedars from Lebanon; her oars of the oaks of Bashan; and the benches of her galleys of ivory, brought out of the isles of Chittim.