"What"s your impression of the Inaugural, Senator?" Ned asked, with a twinkle of mischief in his eye.
"You are asking me that as a reporter, young man, or as a friend of my daughter?"
"Both, sir."
"Then I"ll give you two answers. One for the public and one for you.
I"ve an idea you"re going to be a rebel, sir----"
"We hope not, Senator," John protested.
"I"ve my suspicions from an interview we had once. But you"re a good reporter, sir. I trust your ability and honesty however deeply I suspect your patriotism. As a Republican Senator I say to you for publication: The President couldn"t well have said less. It might have been unwise to say more. To you, as a budding young rebel and a friend of my daughter, I say, with the utmost frankness, that I have no power to express my contempt for that address. From the lips of the man we elected to strangle Slavery fell the cowardly words:
""I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the inst.i.tution of Slavery in the States where it exists"----"
The grim blue-grey eyes flashed with rage, he paused for breath and then, livid with suppressed emotion, continued:
"For fifty years every man who has stood on this platform to take the oath as President has turned his face to the South and bowed the knee to Baal. We hoped for better things to-day----" He paused a moment and his eyes filled with angry tears:
"How long, O Lord! How long!"
"But you mustn"t forget, Senator, that he didn"t run and we didn"t win on an Abolition platform. We only raised the issue of the extension of Slavery into the new territories----"
"Yes!" the old man sneered. "But you didn"t fool the South! They are past masters in the art of politics. The South is seceding because they know that the Republican Party was organized to destroy Slavery--and that its triumph is a challenge to a life and death fight on that issue.
It"s a waste of time to beat the devil round the stump. We"ve got to face it. I hate a trimmer and a coward!--But don"t you dare print that for a while, young man----"
"Hardly, sir," Ned answered with a smile.
"I"ve got to support my own administration for a few days at least--and then!--well, we won"t cross any bridges till we come to them."
He stopped abruptly and turned to John:
"Come to see us, Mr. Vaughan. Your paper should be a power before the end of the coming four years. I know Forney, your chief. I"d like to know you better----"
"Thank you, Senator," the young editor responded cordially.
"Can"t you dine with us to-morrow night, Mr. Vaughan?" Betty asked, unconsciously bending toward his straight, well poised figure. Ned observed her with a frown, and heard John"s answer in a sudden surge of anger.
"Certainly, Miss Betty, with pleasure."
To Ned"s certain knowledge it was the first invitation of the kind he had accepted since his advent in Washington. Again he cursed himself for a fool for introducing them.
Betty beamed her friendliest look straight into his eyes and softly said:
"You"ll come, of course, Mr. Ned?"
For the life of him he couldn"t get back his conventional tones for an answer. His voice trembled in spite of his effort.
"Thank you," he said slowly, "it will not be possible. I"ve an a.s.signment at the White House for that evening."
He turned abruptly and left them.
CHAPTER II
JANGLING VOICES
The roar of the Inauguration pa.s.sed, and Washington was itself again--an old-fashioned Southern town of sixty thousand inhabitants, no longer asleep perhaps, but still aristocratic, skeptical, sneering in its att.i.tude toward the new administration.
Behind the scenes in his Cabinet reigned confusion incredible. The tall dark backwoodsman who presided over these wrangling giants appeared at first to their superior wisdom a dazed spectator.
He had called them because they were indispensable. Now that the issues were to be faced, Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, Mr. Cameron and Mr. Bates realized that the country lawyer who had won the Presidency over their superior claims knew his weakness and relied on their strength, training, and long experience in public affairs.
Certainly it had not occurred to one of them that his act in calling the greatest men of his party, and the party of opposition as well, into his Cabinet was a deed of such intellectual audacity that it scarcely had a parallel in history.
Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, had reluctantly consented to enter the Cabinet at the last moment as an act of patriotism to save the country from impending ruin too great for any other man to face. His att.i.tude was a reasonable one. He was the undoubted leader of the triumphant party.
Without a moment"s hesitation on the first day of his service as Secretary of State he a.s.sumed the position of a Prime Minister, whose duties included a general supervision of all the Departments of Government, as well as a Regent"s supervision over the Executive.
Salmon P. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, at once took up the gauntlet thrown down by his rival. He not only regarded the President with contempt, but he extended it to the political trickster who dared to a.s.sume the airs of Premiership in a Democratic Republic.
To these Cabinet meetings came no voices of comfort from the country.
The Abolitionist press, which represented the aggressive conscience of the North, continued to ridicule and denounce the Inaugural address in unmeasured terms.
The simple truth was soon apparent to the sombre eyes of the President.
He was facing the gravest problem that ever confronted a statesman without an organized party on which he could depend for support. But two of his Cabinet had any confidence in his ability or genuine loyalty--Gideon Welles, a Northern Democrat, and Montgomery Blair, a Southern aristocrat.
The problem before him was bigger than faction, bigger than party, bigger than Slavery. Could a government founded on the genuine principles of Democracy live? Could such a Union be held together composed of warring sections with vast territories extending over thousands of miles, washed by two oceans extending from the frozen mountains of Canada to the endless summers of the tropics?
If the Southern people should unite in a slave-holding Confederacy, it was not only a question as to whether he could shape an army mighty enough to conquer them, the more urgent and by far the graver problem was whether he could mould into unity the warring factions of the turbulent, pa.s.sion-torn North. These people who had elected him--could he ever hope to bind them into a solid fighting unit? If their representatives in his Cabinet were truly representatives the task was beyond human power.
And yet the tall, lonely figure calmly faced it without a tremor. In the depths of his cavernous eyes there burned a steady flame but few of the men about him saw, or understood if they saw--that flame was something new in the history of the race--a faith in the common man which dared to give a new valuation to the individual and set new standards for the Democracy of the world. He believed that the heart of the ma.s.ses of the people North, South, East and West was sound at the core and that as their Chief Magistrate he could ultimately appeal to them over the heads of all traditions--all factions, and all accepted leaders.
He was the most advised man and the worst advised man in history. It became necessary to think for himself or cease to think at all.
General Scott, the venerable hero of Lundy Lane, in command of the army, had suggested as a solution of the turmoil the division of the country into four separate Confederacies and had roughly drawn their outlines!
Horace Greeley had made the _Tribune_ the most powerful newspaper in the history of America. The Republicans throughout the country had been educated by its teachings and held its authority second only to the Word of G.o.d. And yet from the moment of Lincoln"s election the chief occupation of this powerful paper was to criticize and condemn the measures and policies of the President.
Over and over he repeated the deadly advice to the Nation:
"If the Cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace."
He serenely insisted:
"If eight Southern States, having five millions of people, choose to separate from us, they cannot be permanently withheld from doing so by Federal cannon. The South has as good right to secede from the Union as the Colonies had to secede from Great Britain. If they choose to form an independent Nation they have a clear moral right to do so, and we will do our best to forward their views."