[298] On the voyages of Co and Dias, see my paper in the _Geographical Journal_, 1900, pp. 625-655.
[299] Now Cape St. Mary, 13 28" S.
[300] The "Cabo do Padro" of early maps.
[301] A legend on the chart of Henricus Martellus Germa.n.u.s (1489), and the "Parecer" of the Spanish pilots of 1525, are our only authorities on this fact. Co is not again mentioned in Portuguese doc.u.ments (see my Essay, _Geographical Journal_, p. 637).
[302] Nsaku was henceforth known as Don Joo da Silva. See Ruy de Pina, p. 149; Garcia de Resende, c. 69; and De Barros, _Asia_, t. I, Pt. 1, pp. 177, 224.
[303] On this emba.s.sy, see De Barros, _Asia, Dec. I_, Liv. 3; Ruy de Pina"s _Chronica_, pp. 174-179; Garcia de Resende"s _Chronice_, cc.
155-61; D. Lopez, Bk. II, c. 2; Fr. Luis de Sousa, _Historia de S.
Domingos_, Parte II, Livro vi, c. 8; and Parte IV, Livro iv, c. 16.
[304] Not Dominicans, as is usually stated. Garcia de Resende says Franciscans; and P. Fernando da Soledade, _Historia Serafica_, has proved the doc.u.ments published by Paiva Manso in favour of the Dominican claim to be forgeries. Compare Eucher, _Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 64.
[305] Mbaji a ekongo, the palaver-place of Kongo. See Index sub _San Salvador_.
[306] The insignia of royalty of the Kings of Kongo are the chair, a baton, a bow and arrow, and the cap.
[307] De Barros calls them Mundequetes, but D. Lopez says they should be called Anziquetes. They are the Anzicanas of later writers, about whose ident.i.ty with the Bateke there can be no doubt. Their king bore the t.i.tle of Makoko (Nkaka).
[308] Hence this, the oldest church of S. Salvador, became known as _Egreja da Vera Cruz_. In it the Christian kings of Kongo were formerly buried; but when the Devil took up its roof and carried the body of the unbelieving D. Francisco to h.e.l.l, their coffins were removed to other churches (see post, p. 121). Other churches, subsequently built, are S.
Salvador, N. S. do Socorro, S. Jago, S. Miguel, dos Santos, de Misericordia, S. Sebastian.
[309] Frei Joo had died soon after reaching the capital.
[310] Paiva Manso, pp. 2-4.
[311] Paiva Manso, pp. 6-76, publishes quite a series of letters and doc.u.ments bearing upon the reign of Affonso, and dated between 1512, and December 15th, 1540. Cavazzi makes him die in 1525, but in letters written between February 15th, 1539, and December 4th, 1540, the King refers to D. Manuel, who was about to go to Rome, as his "brother." If the letters had been written by his successor Don Pedro II Affonso, Don Manuel would have been an uncle, and not a brother.
[312] Cavazzi calls him Mpanzu a kitima; D. Lopez invariably _Mpangu_.
[313] King Affonso, whose account of this battle may be read in Paiva Manso, p. 8, does not mention the flaming swords, but there can be no doubt that they were seen, for they were introduced in the coat-of-arms subsequently granted to the King. D. Lopez (p. 82) subst.i.tutes the Virgin for the white cross seen during the battle. Cavazzi (p. 273), and others, down to Father Eucher (_Le Congo_, Huy, 1894, p. 36), unhesitatingly accept this miracle. The Rev. W. H. Bentley most irreverently suggests a solar halo; but such a phenomenon might account for flaming swords, but not for the Virgin and St. James.
[314] On this emba.s.sy, see the doc.u.ments printed by Paiva Manso, and also Damian de Goes, _Chron. do Rei D. Emanuel_, vol. iii, c. 37.
[315] _Alguns Doc.u.mentos_, p. 419.
[316] On this mission, see _Alguns doc.u.mentos_, pp. 277-289, for the instructions given to Simo da Silva; Paiva Manso, pp. 5-12, or King Manuel"s letter, and D. Affonso"s manifesto; and also Damian de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iii, cc. 38-39.
[317] This coat-of-arms is fully described by King Affonso himself (Paiva Manso, p. 11), as follows:-The field _gules_, and the chief of the coat _azure_, quartered by a cross-fleury _argent_. Each quarter of the chief charged with two sh.e.l.ls, _or_, on a foot _argent_, bearing a shield _azure_, charged with the five plates of Portugal. The field _gules_ is charged with five arms holding swords, _or_. An open helmet, _or_, with a royal crown surmounts the coat. Crest: the five swords.
Supporters: two idols, decapitated, with their heads at their feet. The coats figured on Pigafetta"s map and by Cavazzi, p. 274, are much less elaborate, but are both charged with five swords. The arrow in the latter is one of the royal insignia.
[318] In the formal doc.u.ments addressed to his "brother" of Portugal, he claims to be "By the Grace of G.o.d, King of Kongo, Ib.u.mgu, Kakongo, Ngoyo this side and beyond Zari, lord of the Ambundus, of Ngola, Aquisyma (Ptolemy"s Agisymba) Muswalu, Matamba, Muyilu and Musuku, and of the Anzicas (Bateke), and the Conquest of Mpanzu-alumbu," &c.
[319] D. de Goes, _Chronica_, vol. iv, c. 3.
[320] Paiva Manso, pp. 15, 17.
[321] Paiva Manso, p. 71. Concerning Mpanzu-alumbu, see below.
[322] On this mission, see Paiva Manso, pp. 69-74.
[323] On the bishops of Kongo, see _Add. MS. 15183_ (British Museum), and R. J. da Costa Mattos, _Corographia Historica das Ilhas S. Thome, etc._ Oporto, 1842.
[324] Paiva Manso, p. 31.
[325] For King Affonso"s account of this event, as also for an account of a second conspiracy, apparently planned by Ferno Rodrigues Bulho, see Paiva Manso, pp. 76-80.
[326] For Mpangu-lungu, see Index and Glossary.
[327] The minutes of this inquiry are printed by Paiva Manso, p. 84.
[328] D. de Goes, _Chron. de Rei D. Em._, iv, c. 54.
[329] See Index, _sub_ Mpanzu-alumbu _and_ Mpangu-lungu.
[330] See Paiva Manso, pp. 60, 69. Later sovereigns claimed also to be kings of the Matumbulas, _i.e._, the spirits of their dead ancestors buried at S. Salvador, whom they pretended to be able to consult, and who were dreaded as fetishes.
[331] According to a Jesuit canon, who wrote in 1624 (Paiva Manso, p.
174), these daughters were: (1) Nzinga a mbembe, the mother of D. Diego, Affonso II, and Bernardo; (2) D. Isabel Lukeni lua mbemba, the mother of Alvaro I, Alvaro II, Alvaro III, and Bernardo II; (3) D. Anna Tumba a mbemba, the mother of D. Affonso Mbikia ntumba, Duke of Nsundi, whose son was Pedro II. This genealogy does not seem to be quite trustworthy.
[332] Several authors say that he came to the throne in 1525 or 1532, but the letters written by D. Affonso, and published by Paiva Manso, conclusively show that this is impossible (see _supra_).
[333] His native name proves him to have been a _son_ of D. Francisco.
He is, however, generally described as a cousin or grandson of D. Pedro.
[334] The earliest published letter of D. Diogo is dated April 25th, 1547. His death is mentioned in a letter dated November 4th, 1561 (Paiva Manso, pp. 81, 113). He may, however, have died a considerable time before that date. Lopez de Lima (_An. Mar._ 1845, p. 101) makes him die in 1552, after a reign of nine years.
[335] This bishop was a Dominican. He entered upon his charge in 1549.
The four Jesuits going in his company were Christovo Ribeira, Jacome Dias, Jorge Vaz, and Diogo de Soveral.
[336] See letters in Paiva Manso, pp. 91-93.
[337] He was appointed bishop in 1554, and died at S. Thome in 1574.
[338] For the minutes of an inquiry into a conspiracy planned by one D.
Pedro ka nguanu of Mbemba, in 1550, see Paiva Manso, pp. 101, 110.
[339] Compare D. Lopez, p. 93; Cavazzi, p. 276; a list of kings given by the Duke of Mbamba to the bishop D. Manuel Baptista in 1617 (Paiva Manso, p. 166), the statement of a Jesuit canon of S. Salvador made in 1624 (_ibid._, p. 174), and Christovo Dorte de Sousa"s letter to Queen Catherine of Portugal, dated (Luandu) November 4th, 1561 (_ibid._, p.
113); also a letter by P. Rodrigues de Pias, 1565 (Eucher, _Le Congo_, p. 70).
[340] Printed by Paiva Manso, p. 114.
[341] His letter is printed by Paiva Manso, p. 116. It was during the reign of this king, in 1563, that a "missionary" is stated to have crossed Africa (Garcia d"Orta, _Coloquios dos simples e drogos_. Goa, 1567).
[342] Lopez de Lima, _An. Mar._, 1845, p. 101.