24. Nature of the belief in omens
The custom of the Thugs, and in a less degree of ignorant and primitive races generally, of being guided in their every action by the chance indications afforded from the voices and movements of birds and animals appears to the civilised mind extremely foolish. But its explanation is not difficult when the character of early religious beliefs is realised. It was held by savages generally that animals, birds and all other living things, as well as trees and other inanimate objects, had souls and exercised conscious volition like themselves. And those animals, such as the tiger and cow, and other objects, such as the sun and moon and high mountains or trees, which appeared most imposing and terrible, or exercised the most influence on their lives, were their princ.i.p.al deities, the spirits of which at a later period developed into anthropomorphic G.o.ds. Even the lesser animals and birds were revered and considered to be capable of affecting the lives of men. Hence their appearance, their flight and their cries were naturally taken to be direct indications afforded by the G.o.d to his worshippers; and it was in the interpretation of these, the signs given by the divine beings by whom man was surrounded, and whom at one time he considered superior to himself, that the science of augury consisted. "The priestesses of the oracle of Zeus at Dodona called themselves doves, as those of Diana at Ephesus called themselves bees; this proves that the oracles of the temples were formerly founded on observations of the flight of doves and bees, and no doubt also that the original cult consisted in the worship of these animals." [712]
Thus, as is seen here, when the deity was no longer an animal but had developed into a G.o.d in human shape, the animal remained a.s.sociated with him and partook of his sanct.i.ty; and what could be more natural than that he should convey the indications of his will through the appearance, movements and cries of the sacred animal to his human _proteges_. The pseudo-science of omens is thus seen to be a natural corollary of the veneration of animals and inanimate objects.
25. Suppression of Thuggee
When the suppression of the Thugs was seriously taken in hand by the Thuggee and Dacoity Department under the direction of Sir William Sleeman, this abominable confraternity, which had for centuries infested the main roads of India and made away with tens of thousands of helpless travellers, never to be heard of again by their families and friends, was destroyed with comparatively little difficulty. The Thugs when arrested readily furnished the fullest information of their murders and the names of their confederates in return for the promise of their lives, and Colonel Sleeman started a separate file or _dossier_ for every Thug whose name became known to him, in which all information obtained about him from different informers was collected. In this manner, as soon as a man was arrested and identified, a ma.s.s of evidence was usually at once forthcoming to secure his conviction. Between 1826 and 1835 about 2000 Thugs were arrested and hanged, transported or kept under restraint; subsequently to this a larger number of British officers were deputed to the work of hunting down the Thugs, and by 1848 it was considered that this form of crime had been practically stamped out. For the support of the approver Thugs and the families of these and others a labour colony was inst.i.tuted at Jubbulpore, which subsequently developed into the school of industry and was the parent of the existing Reformatory School. Here these criminals were taught tent and carpet-making and other trades, and in time grew to be ashamed of the murderous calling in which they had once taken a pride.
Turi
List of Paragraphs
1. _Origin of the caste_.
2. _Subdivisions_.
3. _Marriage_.
4. _Funeral rites_.
5. _Occupation_.
6. _Social status_.
1. Origin of the caste
_Turi._--A non-Aryan caste of cultivators, workers in bamboo, and basket-makers, belonging to the Chota Nagpur plateau. They number about 4000 persons in Raigarh, Sarangarh and the States recently transferred from Bengal. The physical type of the Turis, Sir H. Risley states, their language, and their religion place it beyond doubt that they are a Hinduised offshoot of the Munda tribe. They still speak a dialect derived from Mundari, and their princ.i.p.al deity is Singbonga or the sun, the great G.o.d of the Mundas: "In Lohardaga, where the caste is most numerous, it is divided into four subcastes--Turi or Kisan-Turi, Or, Dom, and Domra--distinguished by the particular modes of basket and bamboo-work which they practise. Thus the Turi or Kisan-Turi, who are also cultivators and hold _bhuinhari_ land, make the _sup_, a winnowing sieve made of _sirki_, the upper joint of _Saccharum procerum_; the _tokri_ or _tokiya_, a large open basket of split bamboo twigs woven up with the fibre of the leaves of the _tal_ palm; the _sair_ and _nadua_, used for catching fish. The Ors are said to take their name from the _oriya_ basket used by the sower, and made of split bamboo, sometimes helped out with _tal_ fibre. They also make umbrellas, and the _chhota dali_ or _dala_, a flat basket with vertical sides used for handling grain in small quant.i.ties. Doms make the _harka_ and scale-pans (_taraju_). Domras make the _peti_ and fans. Turis frequently reckon in as a fifth subcaste the Birhors, who cut bamboos and make the _sikas_ used for carrying loads slung on a shoulder-yoke (_bhangi_), and a kind of basket called _phanda_. Doms and Domras speak Hindi; Turis, Ors and Birhors use among themselves a dialect of Mundari." [713]
2. Subdivisions
In Raigarh and Sarangarh of the Central Provinces the above subcastes are not found, and there are no distinct endogamous groups; but the more Hinduised members of the caste have begun to marry among themselves and call themselves Turia, while they look down on the others to whom they restrict the designation Turi. The names of subcastes given by Sir H. Risley appear to indicate that the Turis are an offshoot from the Mundas, with an admixture of Doms and other low Uriya castes. Among themselves the caste is also known as Husil, a term which signifies a worker in bamboo. The caste say that their original ancestor was created by Singbonga, the sun, and had five sons, one of whom found a wooden image of their deity in the Baranda forest, near the Barpahari hill in Chota Nagpur. This image was adopted as their family deity, and is revered to the present day as Barpahari Deo. The deity is thus called after the hill, of which it is clear that he is the personified representative. From the five sons are descended the five main septs of the Turis. The eldest was called Mailuar, and his descendants are the leaders or headmen of the caste. The group sprung from the second son are known as Chardhagia, and it is their business to purify and readmit offenders to caste intercourse. The descendants of the third son conduct the ceremonial shaving of such offenders, and are known as Surennar, while those of the fourth son bring water for the ceremony and are called Tirkuar. The fifth group is known as Hasdagia, and it is said that they are the offspring of the youngest brother, who committed some offence, and the four other brothers took the parts which are still played by their descendants in his ceremony of purification. Traces of similar divisions appear to be found in Bengal, as Sir H. Risley states that before a marriage can be celebrated the consent of the heads of the Madalwar and Surinwar sections, who are known respectively as Raja and Thakur, is obtained, while the head of the Charchagiya section officiates as priest. The above names are clearly only variants of those found in the Central Provinces. But besides the above groups the Turis have a large number of exogamous septs of a totemistic nature, some of which are identical with those of the Mundas.
3. Marriage
Marriage is adult, and the bride and bridegroom are usually about the same age; but girls are scarce in the caste, and betrothals are usually effected at an early age, so that the fathers of boys may obtain brides for their sons. A contract of betrothal, once made, cannot be broken without incurring social disgrace, and compensation in money is also exacted. A small bride-price of three or four rupees and a piece of cloth is payable to the girl"s father. As in the case of some other Uriya castes the proposal for a marriage is couched in poetic phraseology, the Turi bridegroom"s amba.s.sador announcing his business with the phrase: "I hear that a sweet-scented flower has blossomed in your house and I have come to gather it"; to which the bride"s father, if the match be acceptable, replies: "You may take away my flower if you will not throw it away when its sweet scent has gone." The girl then appears, and the boy"s father gives her a piece of cloth and throws a little liquor over her feet. He then takes her on his lap and gives her an anna to buy a ring for herself, and sometimes kisses her and says, "You will preserve my lineage." He washes the feet of her relatives, and the contract of betrothal is thus completed, and its violation by either party is a serious matter. The wedding is performed according to the ritual commonly practised by the Uriya castes. The binding portion of it consists in the perambulation of the sacred pole five or seven times. After each circle the bridegroom takes hold of the bride"s toe and makes her kick away a small heap of rice on which a nut and a pice coin are placed. After this a cloth is held over the couple and each rubs vermilion on the other"s forehead. At this moment the bride"s brother appears, and gives the bridegroom a blow on the back. This is probably in token of his wrath at being deprived of his sister. A meal of rice and fowls is set before the bridegroom, but he feigns displeasure, and refuses to eat them. The bride"s parents then present him with a pickaxe and a crooked knife, saying that these are the implements of their trade, and will suffice him for a livelihood. The bridegroom, however, continues obdurate until they promise him a cow or a bullock, when he consents to eat. The bride"s family usually spend some twenty or more rupees on her wedding, and the bridegroom"s family about fifty rupees. A widow is expected to marry her Dewar or deceased husband"s younger brother, and if she takes somebody else he must repay to the Dewar the expenditure incurred by the latter"s family on her first marriage. Divorce is permitted for misconduct on the part of the wife or for incompatibility of temper.
4. Funeral rites
The caste bury the dead, placing the head to the north. They make libations to the spirits of their ancestors on the last day of Phagun (February), and not during the fortnight of Pitripaksh in Kunwar (September) like other Hindu castes. They believe that the spirits of ancestors are reborn in children, and when a baby is born they put a grain of rice into a pot of water and then five other grains in the names of ancestors recently deceased. When one of these meets the grain representing the child they hold that the ancestor in question has been born again. The princ.i.p.al deity of the caste is Singbonga, the sun, and according to one of their stories the sun is female. They say that the sun and moon were two sisters, both of whom had children, but when the sun gave out great heat the moon was afraid that her children would be burnt up, so she hid them in a _handi_ or earthen pot. When the sun missed her sister"s children she asked her where they were, and the moon replied that she had eaten them up; on which the sun also ate up her own children. But when night came the moon took her children out of the earthen pot and they spread out in the sky and became the stars. And when the sun saw this she was greatly angered and vowed that she would never look on the moon"s face again. And it is on this account that the moon is not seen in the daytime, and as the sun ate up all her children there are no stars during the day.
5. Occupation
The caste make and sell all kinds of articles manufactured from the wood of the bamboo, and the following list of their wares will give an idea of the variety of purposes for which this product is utilised: _Tukna_, an ordinary basket; _dauri_, a basket for washing rice in a stream; _lodhar_, a large basket for carrying grain on carts; _chuki_, a small basket for measuring grain; _garni_ and _sikosi_, a small basket for holding betel-leaf and a box for carrying it in the pocket; _dhitori_, a fish-basket; _dholi_, a large bamboo shed for storing grain; _ghurki_ and _paili_, grain measures; _chhanni_, a sieve; _taji_) a balance; _pankha_ and _bijna_, fans; _pelna_, a triangular frame for a fishing-net; _choniya_, a cage for catching fish; _chatai_) matting; _chhata_, an umbrella; _chhitori_, a leaf hat for protecting the body from rain; _pinjra_, a cage; _khunkhuna_, a rattle; and _guna_, a muzzle for bullocks.
Most of them are very poor, and they say that when Singbonga made their ancestors he told them to fetch something in which to carry away the grain which he would give them for their support; but the Turis brought a bamboo sieve, and when Singbonga poured the grain into the sieve nearly the whole of it ran out. So he reproved them for their foolishness, and said, "_Khasar, khasar, tin pasar_,"
which meant that, however hard they should work, they would never earn more than three handfuls of grain a day.
6. Social status
The social status of the Turis is very low, and their touch is regarded as impure. They must live outside the village and may not draw water from the common well; the village barber will not shave them nor the washerman wash their clothes. They will eat all kinds of food, including the flesh of rats and other vermin, but not beef. The rules regarding social impurity are more strictly observed in the Uriya country than elsewhere, owing to the predominant influence of the Brahmans, and this is probably the reason why the Turis are so severely ostracised. Their code of social morality is not strict, and a girl who is seduced by a man of the caste is simply made over to him as his wife, the ordinary bride-price being exacted from him. He must also feed the caste-fellows, and any money which is received by the girl"s father is expended in the same manner. Members of Hindu castes and Gonds may be admitted into the community, but not the Munda tribes, such as the Mundas themselves and the Kharias and Korwas; and this, though the Turis, as has been seen, are themselves an offshoot of the Munda tribe. The fact indicates that in Chota Nagpur the tribes of the Munda family occupy a lower social position than the Gonds and others belonging to the Dravidian family. When an offender of either s.e.x is to be readmitted into caste after having been temporarily expelled for some offence he or she is given water to drink and has a lock of hair cut off. Their women are tattooed on the arms, breast and feet, and say that this is the only ornament which they can carry to the grave.
Velama
1. Origin and social status
_Velama, Elama, Yelama._--A Telugu cultivating caste found in large numbers in Vizagapatam and Ganjam, while in 1911 about 700 persons were returned from Chanda and other districts in the Central Provinces. The caste frequently also call themselves by the honorific t.i.tles of Naidu or Dora (lord). The Velamas are said formerly to have been one with the Kamma caste, but to have separated on the question of retaining the custom of _parda_ or _gosha_ which they had borrowed from the Muhammadans. The Kammas abandoned _parda_, and, signing a bond written on palm-leaf to this effect, obtained their name from _kamma_, a leaf. The Velamas retained the custom, but a further division has taken place on the subject, and one subcaste, called the Adi or original Velamas, do not seclude their women. The caste has at present a fairly high position, and several important Madras chiefs are Velamas, as well as the zamindar of Sironcha in the Central Provinces. They appear, however, to have improved their status, and thus to have incurred the jealousy of their countrymen, as is evidenced by some derogatory sayings current about the caste. Thus the Balijas call them Guni Sakalvandlu or hunchbacked washermen, because some of them print chintz and carry their goods in a bundle on their backs. [714] According to another derivation _guna_ is the large pot in which they dye their cloth. Another story is that the name of the caste is Velimala, meaning those who are above or better than the Dhers, and was a t.i.tle conferred on them by the Raja of Bastar in recognition of the bravery displayed by the Velamas in his army. These stories are probably the outcome of the feeling of jealousy which attaches to castes which have raised themselves in the social scale. The customs of the Velamas do not indicate a very high standard of ceremonial observance, as they eat fowls and pork and drink liquor. They are said to take food from Bestas and Dhimars, while Kunbis will take it from them. The men of the caste are tall and strong, of a comparatively fair complexion and of a bold and arrogant demeanour. It is said that a Velama will never do anything himself which a servant can do for him, and a story is told of one of them who was smoking when a spark fell on his moustache. He called his servant to remove it, but by the time the man came, his master"s moustache had been burnt away. These stories and the customs of the Velamas appear to indicate that they are a caste of comparatively low position, who have gone up in the world, and are therefore tenacious in a.s.serting a social position which is not universally admitted. Their subcastes show that a considerable difference in standing exists in the different branches of the caste. Of these the Racha or royal Velamas, to whom the chiefs and zamindars belong, are the highest. While others are the Guna Velamas or those who use a dyer"s pot, the Eku or "Cotton-skein"
who are weavers and carders, and the Tellaku or white leaf Velamas, the significance of this last name not being known. It is probable that the Velamas were originally a branch of the great Kapu or Reddi caste of cultivators, corresponding in the Telugu country to the Kurmis and Kunbis, as many of their section names are the same as those of the Kapus. The Velamas apparently took up the trades of weaving and dyeing, and some of them engaged in military service and acquired property. These are now landowners and cultivators and breed cattle, while others dye and weave cloth. They will not engage themselves as hired labourers, and they do not allow their women to work in the fields.
2. Marriage and social customs
The caste are said to have 77 exogamous groups descended from the 77 followers or spearsmen who attended Raja Rudra Pratap of Bastar when he was ousted from Warangal. These section names are eponymous, territorial and totemistic, instances of the last kind being Cherukunula from _cheruku_, sugarcane, and Pasapunula from _pasapu_, turmeric, and _nula_, thread. Marriage within the section or _gotra_ is prohibited, but first cousins may intermarry. Marriage is usually adult, and the binding portion of the ceremony consists in the tying of the _mangal-sutram_ or happy thread by the bridegroom round the bride"s neck. At the end of the marriage the _kankans_ or bracelets of the bridegroom and bride are taken off in signification that all obstacles to complete freedom of intercourse and mutual confidence between the married pair have been removed. In past years, when the Guna Velamas had a marriage, they were bound to pay the marriage expenses of a couple of the Palli or fisherman caste, in memory of the fact that on one occasion when the Guna Velamas were in danger of being exterminated by their enemies, the Pallis rescued them in their boats and carried them to a place of safety. But now it is considered sufficient to hang up a fishing-net in the house when a marriage ceremony of the Guna Velamas is being celebrated. [715] The caste do not permit the marriage of widows, and divorce is confined to cases in which a wife is guilty of adultery. The Velamas usually employ Vaishnava Brahmans as their priests. They burn the bodies of those who die after marriage, and bury those dying before it. Children are named on the twenty-first day after birth, the child being placed in a swing, and the name selected by the parents being called out three times by the oldest woman present. On this day the mother is taken to a well and made to draw a bucket of water by way of declaration that she is fit to do household work.