After a girl is married her own mother will not eat food cooked by her, as no two Kharias will take food together unless they are of the same sept. When a married daughter goes back to the house of her parents she cooks her food separately, and does not enter their cook-room; if she did all the earthen pots would be defiled and would have to be thrown away. A similar taboo marks the relations of a woman towards her husband"s elder brother, who is known as Kura Sasur. She must not enter his house nor sit on a cot or stool before him, nor touch him, nor cook food for him. If she touches him a fine of a fowl with liquor is imposed by the caste, and for his touching her a goat and liquor. This idea may perhaps have been established as a check on the custom of fraternal polyandry, when the idea of the eldest brother taking the father"s place as head of the joint family became prevalent.
7. Widow-marriage and divorce.
Widow-marriage is permitted at the price of a feast to the caste, and the payment of a small sum to the woman"s family. A widow must leave her children with her first husband"s family if required to do so. If she takes them with her they become ent.i.tled to inherit her second husband"s property, but receive only a half-share as against a full share taken by his children. Divorce is permitted by mutual agreement or for adultery of the woman. But the practice is not looked upon with favour, and a divorced man or woman rarely succeeds in obtaining another mate.
8. Religion.
The princ.i.p.al deity of the Kharias is a hero called Banda. They say that an Oraon had vowed to give his daughter to the man who would clear the kans [492] gra.s.s off a hillock. Several men tried, and at last Banda did it by cutting out the roots. He then demanded the girl"s hand, but the Oraon refused, thinking that Banda had cleared the gra.s.s by magic. Then Banda went away and the girl died, and on learning of this Banda went and dug her out of her grave, when she came to life and they were married. Since then Banda has been worshipped. The tribe also venerate their ploughs and axes, and on the day of Dasahra they make offerings to the sun.
9. Funeral rites.
The tribe bury the dead, placing the head to the north. When the corpse is taken out of the house two grains of rice are thrown to each point of the compa.s.s to invite the ancestors of the family to the funeral. And on the way, where two roads meet, the corpse is set down and a little rice and cotton-seed sprinkled on the ground as a guiding-mark to the ancestors. Before burial the corpse is anointed with turmeric and oil, and carried seven times round the grave, probably as a symbol of marriage to it. Each relative puts a piece of cloth in the grave, and the dead man"s cooking and drinking-pots, his axe, stick, pipe and other belongings, and a basketful of rice are buried with him. The mourners set three plants of orai or khas-khas gra.s.s on the grave over the dead man"s head, middle and feet, and then they go to a tank and bathe, chewing the roots of this gra.s.s. It would appear that the orai gra.s.s may be an agent of purification or means of severance from the dead man"s ghost, like the leaves of the sacred nim [493] tree.
10. Bringing back the souls of the dead.
On the third day they bathe and are shaved, and catch a fish, which is divided among all the relatives, however small it may be, and eaten raw with salt, turmeric and garlic. It seems likely that this fish may be considered to represent the dead man"s spirit, and is eaten in order to avoid being haunted by his ghost or for some other object, and the fish may be eaten as a subst.i.tute for the dead man"s body, itself consumed in former times. On the tenth night after the death the soul is called back, a lighted wick being set in a vessel at the cross-roads where the rice and cotton had been sprinkled. They call on the dead man, and when the flame of the lamp wavers in the wind they break the vessel holding the lamp, saying that his soul has come and joined them, and go home. On the following Dasahra festival, when ancestors are worshipped, the spirit of the deceased is mingled with the ancestors. A c.o.c.k and hen are fed and let loose, and the headman of the sept calls on the soul to come and join the ancestors and give his protection to the family. When a man is killed by a tiger the remains are collected and burnt on the spot. A goat is sacrificed and eaten by the caste, and thereafter, when a wedding takes place in that man"s family, a goat is offered to his spirit. The Kharias believe that the spirits of the dead are reborn in children, and on the Barhi day, a month after the child"s birth, they ascertain which ancestor has been reborn by the usual method of divination with grains of rice in water.
11. Social customs.
The strict taboos practised by the tribe as regards food have already been mentioned. Men will take food from one another, but not women. Men will also accept food cooked without water from Brahmans, Rajputs and Bhuiyas. The Kharias will eat almost any kind of flesh, including crocodile, rat, pig, tiger and bear; they have now generally abandoned beef in deference to Hindu prejudice, and also monkeys, though they formerly ate these animals, the Topno sept especially being noted on this account.
12. Caste rules and organisation.
Temporary expulsion from caste is imposed for the usual offences, and also for getting shaved or having clothes washed by a barber or washerman other than a member of the caste. This rule seems to arise either from an ultra-strict desire for social purity or from a hostile reaction against the Hindus for the low estimation in which the Kharias are held. Again it is a caste offence to carry the palanquin of a Kayasth, a Muhammadan, a Koshta (weaver) or a Nai (barber), or to carry the tazias or representations of the tomb of Husain in the Muharram procession. The caste have a headman who has the t.i.tle of Pardhan, with an a.s.sistant called Negi and a messenger who is known as Ganda. The headman must always be of the Samer sept, the Negi of the Suren sept, and the Ganda of the Bartha or messenger sept. The headman"s duty is to give water for the first time to caste offenders on readmission, the Negi must make all arrangements for the caste feast, and the Ganda goes and summons the tribesmen. In addition to the penalty feast a cash fine is imposed on an erring member; of this rather more than half is given to the a.s.sembled tribesmen for the purpose of buying murra or fried grain on their way home on the following morning. The remaining sum is divided between the three officers, the Pardhan and Negi getting two shares each and the Ganda one share. But the division is only approximate, as the Kharias are unable to do the necessary calculation for an odd number of rupees. The men have their hair tied in a knot on the right side of the head, and women on the left. The women are tattooed, but not the men.
Colonel Dalton writes of the tribal dances: [494] "The nuptial dances of the Kharias are very wild, and the gestures of the dancers and the songs all bear more directly than delicately on what is evidently considered the main object of the festivities, the public recognition of the consummation of the marriage. The bride and bridegroom are carried through the dances seated on the hips of two of their companions. Dancing is an amus.e.m.e.nt to which the Kharias, like all Kolarians, are pa.s.sionately devoted. The only noticeable difference in their style is that in the energy, vivacity and warmth of their movements they excel all their brethren."
13. Occupation and character.
The Kharias say that their original occupation is to carry dhoolies or litters, and this, as well as the social rules prohibiting them from carrying those of certain castes, is in favour of the derivation of the name from kharkhari, a litter. They are also cultivators, and collect forest produce. They are a wild and backward tribe, as shown in the following extracts from an account by Mr. Ball: [495] "The first Kharias I met with were encamped in the jungle at the foot of some hills. The hut was rudely made of a few sal branches, its occupants being one man, an old and two young women, besides three or four children. At the time of my visit they were taking their morning meal; and as they regarded my presence with the utmost indifference, without even turning round or ceasing from their occupations, I remained for some time watching them. They had evidently recently captured some small animal, but what it was, as they had already eaten the skin, I could not ascertain. As I looked on, the old woman distributed to the others, on plates of sal leaves, what appeared to be the entrails of the animal, and wrapping up her own portion between a couple of leaves threw it on the fire in order to give it a very primitive cooking. With regard to their ordinary food the Kharias chiefly depend on the jungle for a supply of fruits, leaves and roots.
"The Kharias never make iron themselves, but are altogether dependent on the neighbouring bazars for their supplies. Had they at any period possessed a knowledge of the art of making iron, conservative of their customs as such races are, it is scarcely likely that they would have forgotten it. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that there was a period prior to the advent of the Hindus when iron was quite unknown to them--when, owing to the absence of cultivation in the plains, they were even more dependent on the supply of jungle food than they are at present. In those times their axes and their implements for grubbing up roots were in all probability made of stone, and their arrows had tips of the same material.
"In their persons the Kharias are very dirty, seldom if ever washing themselves. Their features are decidedly of a low character, not unlike the Bhumij, but there seemed to me to be an absence of any strongly-marked type in their faces or build, such as enables one to know a Santal and even a Kurmi at a glance."
14. Language.
Of the Kharia dialect Sir George Grierson states that it is closely allied to Savara, and has also some similarity to Korku and Juang: [496] "Kharia grammar has all the characteristics of a language which is gradually dying out and being superseded by dialects of quite different families. The vocabulary is strongly Aryanised, and Aryan principles have pervaded the grammatical structure. Kharia is no longer a typical Munda language. It is like a palimpsest, the original writing on which can only be recognised with some difficulty." [497] An account of the Kharia dialect has been published in Mr. G. B. Banerjee"s Introduction to the Kharia Language (Calcutta, 1894).
Khatik
Khatik.--A functional caste of Hindu mutton-butchers and vegetable sellers. They numbered nearly 13,000 persons in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911, and are, as might be expected, princ.i.p.ally returned from the Districts with a considerable urban population, Amraoti, Jubbulpore, Nagpur and Saugor. The name is derived from the Sanskrit Khattika, [498] a butcher or hunter. In northern India Mr. Crooke states that the caste are engaged in keeping and selling pigs and retailing vegetables and fruits, and does not specially mention that they slaughter animals, though in Agra one of their subcastes is named Buchar, a corruption of the English word butcher. In the Punjab Sir D. Ibbetson [499] says of them that, "They form a connecting link between the scavengers and the leather-workers, though they occupy a social position distinctly inferior to that of the latter. They are great keepers of pigs and poultry, which a Chamar would not keep. [500] At the same time many of them tan and dye leather and indeed are not seldom confused with the Chamrang. The Khatik is said sometimes to keep sheep and goats and twist their hair into waist-bands for sale." Sir H. Risley again describes the Khatiks of Bihar as a cultivating and vegetable-selling caste. [501] The differences in the princ.i.p.al occupations ascribed to the caste are thus somewhat remarkable. In the Central Provinces the Khatiks are primarily slaughterers of sheep and goats and mutton-butchers, though they also keep pigs, and some of them, who object to this trade, make their livelihood by selling vegetables. Both in the United Provinces and Punjab the Khatiks are considered to be connected with the Pasis and probably an offshoot of that caste. In the Central Provinces they are said to be an inferior branch of the Gadaria or shepherd caste. The Gadarias state that their old sheep were formerly allowed to die. Then they appointed some poor men of the community to kill them and sell the flesh, dividing the profits with the owner, and thus the Khatik caste arose. The Khatiks accept cooked food from the Gadarias, but the latter do not reciprocate.
The Khatiks are both Hindu and Muhammadan by religion, the latter being also known as Gai-Khatik or cow-killer; but these may more suitably be cla.s.sed with the Kasais or Muhammadan butchers. In the Maratha Districts the Hindu Khatiks are divided into two subcastes, the Beraria or those from Berar, and the Jhadi or those of the forest country of the Wainganga valley. These will take food together, but do not intermarry. They have the usual set of exogamous clans or septs, many of which are of a totemistic nature, being named after plants, animals or natural objects. In Jubbulpore, owing to their habit of keeping pigs and the dirty state of their dwellings, one of their divisions is named Lendha, which signifies the excrement of swine. Here the sept is called ban, while in Wardha it is known as kul or adnam. Marriage within the sept is forbidden. When arranging a match they consider it essential that the boy should be taller than the girl, but do not insist on his being older. A bride-price is sometimes paid, especially if the parents of the girl are poor, but the practice is considered derogatory. In such a case the father is thought to sell his daughter and he is called Bad or Bhand. Marriages commonly take place on the fifth, seventh or ninth day after the Holi festival, or on the festival of Badsavitri, the third day of Baisakh (light fortnight). When the bridegroom leaves the house to set out for the wedding his mother or aunt waves a pestle and churning-stick round him, puts a piece of betel-vine in his mouth and gives him her breast to suck. He then steps on a little earthen lamp-saucer placed over an egg and breaks them, and leaves the house without looking back. These rites are common to many castes, but their exact significance is obscure. The pestle and churning-stick and egg may perhaps be emblems of fertility. At the wedding the fathers of the couple split some wood into shreds, and, placing it in a little pit with cotton, set a light to it. If it is all burnt up the ceremony has been properly performed, but if any is left, the people laugh and say that the corpses of the family"s ancestors were not wholly consumed on the pyre. To effect a divorce the husband and wife break a stick in the presence of the caste panchayat or committee, and if a divorced woman or one who has deserted her husband marries again, the first husband has to give a feast to the caste on the tenth day after the wedding; this is perhaps in the nature of a funeral feast to signify that she is dead to him. The remarriage of widows is permitted. A girl who is seduced by a member of the caste, even though she may be delivered of a child, may be married to him by the maimed rites used for widows. But she cannot take part in auspicious ceremonies, and her feet are not washed by married women like those of a proper bride. Even if a girl be seduced by an outsider, except a Hindu of the impure castes or a Muhammadan, she may be taken back into the community and her child will be recognised as a member of it. But they say that if a Khatik keeps a woman of another caste he will be excommunicated until he has put her away, and his children will be known as Akre or b.a.s.t.a.r.d Khatiks, these being numerous in Berar. The caste burn or bury the dead as their means permit, and on the third day they place on the pyre some sugar, cakes, liquor, sweets and fruit for the use of the dead man"s soul.
The occupation of the Khatik is of course horrible to Hindu ideas, and the social position of the caste is very low. In some localities they are considered impure, and high-caste Hindus who do not eat meat will wash themselves if forced to touch a Khatik. Elsewhere they rank just above the impure castes, but do not enter Hindu temples. These Khatiks slaughter sheep and goats and sell the flesh, but they do not cure the skins, which are generally exported to Madras. The Hindu Khatiks often refuse to slaughter animals themselves and employ a Muhammadan to do so by the rite of halal. The blood is sometimes sold to Gonds, who cook and eat it mixed with grain. Other members of the caste are engaged in cultivation, or retail vegetables and grain.
Khatri
1. Rajput origin.
Khatri.--A prominent mercantile caste of the Punjab, whose members to the number of about 5000 have settled in the Central Provinces and Berar, being distributed over most Districts. The Khatris claim to be derived from the Rajput caste, and say that their name is a corruption of Kshatriya. At the census of 1901 Sir Herbert Risley approved of their demand on the evidence laid before him by the leading representatives of the caste. This view is a.s.sented to by Mr. Crooke and Mr. Nesfield. In Gujarat also the caste are known as Brahma-Kshatris, and their Rajput origin is considered probable, while their appearance bears out the claim to be derived either from the Aryans or some later immigrants from Central Asia: "They are a handsome fair-skinned cla.s.s, some of them with blue or grey eyes, in make and appearance like Vanias (Banias), only larger and more vigorous." [502] Mr. Crooke states that, "their women have a reputation for their beauty and fair complexion. The proverb runs, "A Khatri woman would be fair without fine clothes or ornaments,"
and, "Only an albino is fairer than a Khatri woman."" [503] Their legend of origin is as follows: "When Parasurama the Brahman was slaying the Kshatriyas in revenge for the theft of the sacred cow Kamdhenu and for the murder of his father, a pregnant Kshatriya woman took refuge in the hut of a Saraswat Brahman. When Parasurama came up he asked the Brahman who the woman was, and he said she was his daughter. Parasurama then told him to eat with her in order to prove it, and the Brahman ate out of the same leaf-plate as the woman. The child to whom she subsequently gave birth was the ancestor of the Khatris, and in memory of this Saraswat Brahmans will eat with Khatris to the present day." The Saraswat Brahman priests of the Khatris do as a matter of fact take katcha food or that cooked with water from them, and smoke from their huqqas, and this is another strong argument in favour of their origin either from Brahmans or Rajputs.
The cla.s.sical account of the Khatris is that given in Sir George Campbell"s Ethnology of India, and it may be reproduced here as in other descriptions of the caste:
2. Sir George Campbell"s account of the Khatris.
"Trade is their main occupation; but in fact they have broader and more distinguishing features. Besides monopolising the trade of the Punjab and the greater part of Afghanistan, and doing a good deal beyond those limits, they are in the Punjab the chief civil administrators, and have almost all literate work in their hands. So far as the Sikhs have a priesthood, they are, moreover, the priests or gurus of the Sikhs. Both Nanak and Govind were, and the Sodis and Bedis of the present day are, Khatris. Thus then they are in fact in the Punjab, so far as a more energetic race will permit them, all that Mahratta Brahmins are in the Mahratta country, besides engrossing the trade which the Mahratta Brahmins have not. They are not usually military in their character, but are quite capable of using the sword when necessary. Diwan Sawan Mal, Governor of Multan, and his notorious successor Mulraj, and very many of Ranjit Singh"s chief functionaries were Khatris.