In the retreat that followed, the Virginians were greatly exasperated by the North Carolinians. Mackay"s men were "King"s soldiers" and so would not belittle themselves with the labors of the retreat. At Great Meadows, in the center of which was Fort Necessity, the Virginians, exhausted and resentful, refused to go any farther, and Washington decided to make his stand there.
They had left Gist"s station none too soon. At dawn on the morning following the retreat, Captain de Villiers with five hundred Frenchmen and several hundred Indians surrounded the place. Finding that the English had escaped, they were about to return to Fort Duquesne, when a deserter from Washington"s camp arrived. He told them that he had escaped to keep from starving to death, and that the troops under Washington were in mutiny over their desperate situation.
De Villiers set out at once to capture Fort Necessity.
Meanwhile, Washington set the Virginians at work strengthening the defences of the fort. The Indians seeing such inferior equipment for defense, and the discord among the troops, became afraid and deserted.
On the morning of July 3, 1754, the French arrived at the edge of Great Meadows and began firing from behind trees, at whatever they could see. All day Washington kept his men close sheltered in the trenches, keeping the enemy at rifle"s distance in the edge of the woods. At night a steady downpour of rain began, half drowning the men in the trenches and ruining their ammunition.
At eight o"clock the French demanded a parley looking to the surrender of Fort Necessity. Washington at first refused, but their condition was hopeless. The only person with them who understood any French was Jacob Van Braam, the swordsmanship teacher of Washington at Mount Vernon.
Van Braam went back and forth in the drenching storm of the black night, between the lines, with the negotiations. At last the French sent in their ultimatum. Van Braam tried to translate it by the light of a candle, under cover of a rude tent, through which the rain was pouring upon candle, paper and persons. The terms of the surrender were very humiliating and reflected severely on Washington"s honor, but according to Van Braam"s translation the terms, though hard, were acceptable.
Washington signed the doc.u.ment and the next morning the bedraggled and disheartened men marched out with the honors of war, though the doc.u.ment of surrender, as afterward correctly translated, did not leave a shred of honor for the defeated colonists. It was then believed that Van Braam had purposely mistranslated it in the service of the French, with whom he and Captain Stobo had to remain as hostages. But subsequent information from the French exonerated Van Braam from this charge, deciding that the mistranslation was from ignorance and not intentional.
The soldiers were put into quarters at Will"s creek, and Washington went on to make his report to the Governor.
The Virginia legislature took up an investigation of the charges as to Van Braam"s treason and Captain Stobo"s cowardice, as well as the conduct of Washington, and the questions of the surrender. Thanks and rewards were freely voted to the troops, but it was some time later before evidence came in, establishing the patriotic character of Van Braam and Stobo.
III. WASHINGTON ENTERING THE SCHOOL OF WAR
The French were so elated with their victory, and the belief that the English had been permanently expelled, that they withdrew most of their troops from Fort Duquesne and abandoned all precautions against surprise and attack. Before the end of a month Captain Stobo, who was being held by them as hostage, smuggled a letter out by a friendly Indian describing all the conditions and laying out a plan by which the fort could easily be surprised and taken. He mentioned the boasts of the French and said it was worse than death to hear them. He said that he and his fellow prisoner, Van Braam, were ready at any time to lay down their lives for their country. This letter, after much wandering, reached the Governor of Pennsylvania and was by him sent to the Governor of Virginia.
Captain Stobo"s plan was practical. As all kinds of Indians were being allowed without question to come and go as they pleased at Fort Duquesne, he advised that the fort be first occupied by friendly Indians, who would hold it till it could be turned over to the Colonial troops.
Governor Dinwiddie wanted the honor himself and he planned several ways of his own to capture the fort. These were rejected by Washington.
Now began unceasingly the wrangle and turmoil between the arrogance of King"s authority and the native independence of the colonist"s ideals and character. The colonists were not allowed to have any officer above the rank of Captain, and Washington quit the service.
Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, was appointed by the King as Commander of all the forces used to recover the King"s territory from the French, and he wrote a letter to Washington, trying to enlist his services.
Washington"s reply gives some insight into his independence and maturity of mind at this time.
"You make mention," he replied, "of my continuing in the service and retaining my colonel"s commission. The idea has filled me with surprise; for, if you think me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must maintain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me more empty than the commission itself."
He added that it was no desire to quit the service which caused him to reject the offer, but the call of honor and the advice of friends, because his feelings were strong for the military life.
Washington now returned to Mount Vernon, where he took up a quiet agricultural life, though constantly in a.s.sociation and council with his countrymen over the rapidly developing questions of war between the colonies and the French.
France was secretly pouring troops and means into Canada, and England was as busy making ready in the equipment of the colonies, though the two home governments were professing to be profoundly at peace.
Alexandria, near by, merely a pleasurable horseback ride from Mount Vernon, was the scene of gathering forces, now under command of an experienced English General named Braddock. Ships of war and transports were constantly pa.s.sing up the Potomac past Mount Vernon.
What a glorious array over Washington"s ragged forces of the year before! His military ardor was again kindled. The boom of cannon outranked the moo of cattle in his meadows. The youth of twenty-three, who had already tasted the glory as well as the defeat of battle, could no longer endure the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon. He let it be known that he would like to be attached as an independent volunteer to General Braddock"s staff. The offer was very decorously given and accepted. He had neither "rank nor emolument" in this position, but it was also neither subservient nor responsible. He was merely an attache, a visitor as it were, in General Braddock"s family of advisers.
His mother, hearing of this move to return to the army, hurried to Mount Vernon to dissuade him. She wanted him to remain a country gentleman attending to their property interests, which were hard for her to manage. But the spirit of Washington seemed to feel a greater destiny. His mind was made up and he joined the General whose name is so familiar in the history cla.s.ses of the public schools in the United States.
This conflict, so important in preparing the colonies for the struggle toward independence and for the causes that made them seek independence, became known in American history as the French and Indian war.
The story of it can nowhere be better told, nor more understandingly read, for its significance to American independence, than in the school histories.
CHAPTER VI
THE STRUGGLE FOR FORT DUQUESNE
I. THE SEPARATION BEGINNING BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND ENGLAND
The arrogance and ignorance that so estranged the American colonies and broke down their spirit of allegiance to Great Britain may be well exhibited in an extract from the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin.
The experiences of this eminent man in making a visit to General Braddock came to pa.s.s through the following series of events.
Sir John St. Clair was, at this time, in command at Fort c.u.mberland.
He ordered the colony of Pennsylvania to cut a road through to the Ohio. The redoubtable commander seemed to think it was only a child"s job or a few days" work. As it was not done promptly, he got into a rage, and, according to the pioneer woodsman, George Croghan, "stormed like a lion rampant." He declared that "by fire and sword" he would oblige the inhabitants to build that road. He said that if the French defeated him it would be because of the slow Pennsylvanians, and, in that case, he would declare them "a parcel of traitors," and the colony should be treated as being in rebellion against the King.
Likewise, as Braddock got ready to move, Sir John became furious at obstacles which, not knowing till then that they existed, he considered that they had no right to exist, and therefore that the people were to be blamed. In this state of trouble between the people and the English officers, who knew so little of the wilderness, Benjamin Franklin, then forty-nine years of age, was called on to act as peacemaker. He visited Braddock and was received and treated as a worthy guest. This visit gave him a chance to see into the fatal ignorance and arrogance of the English government, and to understand the irreconciliable points of view between the colonies and England.
"In conversation one day," says Franklin, "General Braddock gave me some account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne,"
said he, "I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, on to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I can see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara.""
Franklin very tactfully and diplomatically ventured to describe the long road that must be cut through forests all the way, the thin line of troops that would have to be stretched out in the march along the narrow way, and the ambush of Indians breaking out upon that thin, long line at various places.
"He smiled at my ignorance," says Franklin, "and replied, "These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to raw American militia, but upon the King"s regular and disciplined troops, Sir, it is impossible that they should make any impression.""
Franklin adds, "I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more."
To defeat an enemy, it is very clear that one should know how the enemy thinks and what he does. This was the schooling that George Washington was now getting. The place he had on General Braddock"s staff was teaching him the tactics of English generals, against which he was a few years later to wage a glorious war for an ideal of American freedom and the establishment of a democratic form of government in America.
The disastrous defeat of Braddock"s expedition and the death of Braddock has always formed a stirring chapter in American school histories, until in recent times it has been more and more lessened in the length of description because of the increasing story of American affairs. Washington"s part in it is interesting largely because of the preparation it gave him for the great work of leading the colonial armies in the Revolutionary War.
II. LESSONS GATHERED FROM DEFEAT
General Braddock, with the most stupid disdain of both natural obstacles and native advice, especially regardless of Washington"s warning, pushed on to overwhelm the French and Indians, as he had outlined to Franklin. His disastrous defeat and tragic death awoke the colonists to their danger, but it seemed to have little effect on the arrogance and ignorance of the supposed military protectors of the colonies.
Fugitives from the disastrous battle field spread through the colonies and the news ran from mouth to mouth along the wilderness roads, gathering in exaggeration as it went. To counteract this news at his own home, Washington wrote to his mother as speedily as possible.
Referring to the battle, he said, "The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed. The dastardly behavior of those they called regulars exposed all others, that were ordered to their duty, to almost certain death; and, at last, in spite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them."
In writing to his half-brother, Augustine, he said, "As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circ.u.mstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of a.s.suring you that I have not composed the latter. But, by the all-powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability, or expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, though death was levelling my companions on every side of me!"
The defeat of Braddock, we may safely set down as one of the most extensive liberating forces in the new world. It struck out of the minds of the colonists the respect and fear which held them captive to the mastery of hands from across the sea. The disaster was not only a rout and a slaughter but it was at last revealed as a military disgrace and an inexcusable blunder.
The commander of Fort Duquesne had only a handful of men. He was fully decided on either abandoning the fort at once, or in surrendering on the best terms he could get, when Captain de Beaujeu obtained leave to take two hundred and eighteen French soldiers and six hundred and thirty Indians, eight hundred and thirty-five in all, for the purpose of delaying the British advance by ambush. These forest rangers met Braddock"s twelve hundred select soldiers, and threw them back in such a panic that, when the commander, Dunbar, reached Fort c.u.mberland, where there were fifteen hundred more seasoned troops, no stand was made, but the flight was continued on to Philadelphia.
[Ill.u.s.tration: Washington in Command.]