1 For a facsimile note by Adams to Gerry, dated September 11, 1783, see Brotherhead, Signers of the Declaration of Independence (1872), p. 172.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; the text is also in John Adams, Works, vol.
ix., pp. 519-521.]
BOSTON Novr 4 1783.
MY DEAR SIR
Colo John Trumbull, the Son of the worthy Governor of Connecticutt is the Bearer of this Letter. I give the Governor this Epithet, because I think his faithful Services to our Country ent.i.tle him to it. Yet even he has undergone the Suspicions of some, unsupported by any solid Reasons that I have heard of. We live in an Age of Jealousy, and it is well enough. I was led to believe in early Life, that Jealousy is a political Virtue. It has long been an Aphorism with me, that it is one of the greatest Securities of publick Liberty. Let the People keep a watchful Eye over the Conduct of their Rulers; for we are told that Great Men are not at all times wise. It would be indeed a Wonder if in any Age or Country they were always honest. There are however some Men among us, who under the Guise of watchful Patriots, are finding Fault with every publick Measure, with a Design to destroy that just Confidence in Government, which is necessary for the Support of those Liberties which we have so dearly purchas"d. Many of your Countrymen besides myself, feel very grateful to you and those of our Negociators who joyned you, in preventing the Tory Refugees from being obtruded upon us. These would certainly have increasd the Number of such Kind of Patriots as I have mentiond, and besides, their Return would have been attended with other mischievous Effects. Mutual Hatred and Revenge would have occasiond perpetual Quarrels between them & the people & perhaps frequent Bloodshed. Some of them, by Art and Address might gradually recover a Character & in time an Influence, and so become the fittest Instruments in forming Factions either for one foreign Nation or another. We may be in Danger of such Factions, and should prudently expect them. One might venture to predict that they will sooner or later happen. We should therefore guard against the evil Effects of them. I deprecate the most favord Nation predominating in the Councils of America, for I do not believe there is a Nation on Earth that wishes we should be more free or more powerful than is consistent with their Ideas of their own Interest. Such a disinterested Spirit is not to be found in National Bodies; The World would be more happy if it prevaild more in individual Persons. I will say it for my Countrymen, they are, or seem to be, very grateful. All are ready freely to acknowledge our Obligations to France for the Part she took in our late Contest. There are a few who consider the Advantage derivd to her, by a total Seperation of Britain & the Colonies, which so sagacious a Court doubtless foresaw & probably never lost Sight of. This Advantage was so glaring in the first Stages of our Controversy, that those who then ran the Risque of exciting even an Appeal to Heaven rather than a Submission to British tyranny, were well perswaded that the Prospect of such a Seperation would induce France to interpose, and do more than she has done if necessary. America with the a.s.sistance of her faithful Ally has secured and establishd her Liberty & Independence. G.o.d be praisd! And some would think it too bold to a.s.sert, that France has thereby saved the Being of her great Importance.--But if it be true why may we not a.s.sert it? A punctual Fulfillment of Engagements solemnly enterd into by Treaty is the Justice, the Honor & Policy of Nations. If we, who have contracted Debts, were influenced only by Motives of sound Policy, we should pay them as soon as possible & provide sure & adequate Funds for the Payment of Interest in the mean time. When we have done this we shall have the Sense of Independence impressd on our Minds, no longer feeling that State of Inferiority which a wise King tells us the Borrower stands in to the Lender.
Your Negociation with Holland, as "my old Friend" observd, is all your own. The faithful Historian will do Justice to your Merits--Perhaps not till you are dead. I would have you reconcile yourself to this Thought.
While you live you will probably be the Object of Envy. The leading Characters in this great Revolution will not be fairly marked in the present Age, It will be well if the leading Principles are rememberd long. You, I am sure, have not the Vanity, which Cicero betrayed, when he even urged his Friend Licinius to publish the History of the Detection of Cataline in his Life Time that he might enjoy it. I am far from thinking that Part of History redounds so much to the Honor of the Roman Consul, as the Treaty of Holland does to its American Negociator.
Decr 4th I intended to have committed the Care of the foregoing Letter to Mr Trumbull, but when he called on me I was confind to my Chamber by severe bodily Indisposition unable to attend even to the lightest Business. I am still kept at home, but hope soon to be abroad. Mr Jonn Jackson will deliver this to you if he meets you in London, otherwise he will convey it by some safe hand. When I shall be certain of your being appointed for London, I will write to you as often as I can. May Heaven bless you My Friend as I am
affectionately yours
1784
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]
BOSTON Feb 4 1784
MY DEAR SIR/
I had laid up in my mind many things to say to you, but an hours notice only of this opportunity and the hurry of business in the General Court now sitting prevents my communicating them to you at present. The Son of Mr Nathl Appleton will deliver to you this short epistle; written for the sake of recommending him to your notice. He is a young gentleman lately enterd into Business in the Commercial line. My Affection for a young fellow Citizen, and Regard for his Father an intimate friend & a Member of the old committee of Correspondence of this town are strong Inducements to me to take this method of availing the Son of your Advice & Patronage. I wrote to you the 4 Decr by Mr Jonathan Jackson & will write again by the next opportunity. Your Family was well a few Days ago. You will doubtless have heard, before this will reach you, of the Death of our good Friend Dr Cooper.
Adieu
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Feb 25 1784
MY DEAR SIR
When a Committee was appointed by the G C1 to correspond with the Delegates in Congress for this C W2 I proposd that the Correspondence shd be carried on in a liberal Manner; but it was apprehended that the Sentiments of the G C might be mistaken by the Come & the Delegates thereby misled & so the Idea was drop"d & nothing material was left for the Court to do but to forward such Letters or papers as shd be from time to time orderd by the Court. Had the Come pursued the first proposal, I could have had no Share in the Correspondence having been exceedingly sick the greatest part of the Time from June to January.
This I hope will apologize for my not having written to you & my other Friends in Congress; which I mention because, not receiving your favors, I have been affraid you imputed my Omission to Neglect. In the September Session the Court thought fit to direct the Delegates officially to write to the Govr once a fortnight which of Course dissolved the Corresponding Come, & since that time no Letters from the Delegates have been laid before the G C.
Your Letter of Sept 11 directed to the Come was through mere forgetfulness omitted to be communicated in Season. This was attributed by some Persons of illiberal Minds & Party Spirit to an abominable Design to withhold from the Court the Sentiments of the Delegates respecting the Expediency of refusing to yield Supplys to the Continental Treasury till Justice should be done us with Regard to the Old money now in our publick Treasury & private hands. I could not help diverting my self with the Ebullitions of apparent Zeal for the publick Good on this Occasion, and upon its being said by a Gentn in Senate that it was the Subject of warm Conversation among the people without Doors I observed the Clamour wd undoubtedly subside on the Afternoon of the first Monday in April next. Your Letter has since been very prudently published by an unknown Person in Edes" Paper.
Inclosd is a Letter to your Self from Colo Scar Gridley. It seems he applied to this G C some time ago for Depretion of his pay while in the Service, upon which the Govr was requested to write to G W to make known to him the Rank held by Mr Gridley & . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . .but the Letter has never been written. I advisd him to write you on the Subject, & hope you will excuse my giving you the Trouble. As you are now near the Place of Residence of General Washington, perhaps it may not be inconvenient to you to write to him, in doing which you will gratify & oblige Mr Gridley.
I shall esteem a Letter from you one of the greatest favors being your very affectionate Friend,
1 General Court.
2 Commonwealth.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 16 1784
MY DEAR SIR
I have not receivd a Letter from you of a later Date than the 10th of Septr last. Extracts of yours to D G of the same Date have been handed about, with a View, as I conceivd, of giving the Sanction of your Opinion to that of others respecting the Tories. It is often inconvenient, perhaps unsafe, to trust ones Confidential Letters to indiscrete, however honest, Friends. Detachd Parts of them being given out, they may be made to bear a different Construction from what was intended, and answer the Purpose of interrested & designing Men. When the Recommendations of Congress in Pursuance of the 5th Article of the Treaty were receivd here, they were treated with great Decency & very seriously considerd. They were construed differently by Men of Sense, who were above the Influence of old Prejudices or of Party or Family Connections. This Difference, I supposed, was owing to certain Ambiguities in the Treaty, which I afterwards found had been acknowledgd in a joynt Letter to Congress of the 18th July, in which it appeard that our Negociators had studiously avoided any Expressions in the Articles of the Treaty which shd amount to absolute Stipulations in Favor of the Tories. From the first Sight I had of the Articles, I have been of opinion that no such Construction could fairly be put upon them, but that it would finally lie with the several Legislatures of the States, how far it would be proper to show Lenity to them, and I was happy in being confirmd in this Opinion by an Expression in your joynt Letter to Congress Septr 10th--"it is much to be wishd that the Legislators may not involve all the Tories in Banishment and Ruin, but that such Discrimination may be made as to int.i.tle the Decisions to the Approbation of disinterested Men and dispa.s.sionate Posterity." In this View I early inculcated Moderation and Liberality towards them, as far as could be consistent with that leading Principle of Nature which ought to govern Nations as it does Individuals, Self Preservation. I cannot think that all can be admitted consistently with the Safety of the Commonwealth. I gave you my Reasons in my Letter of Nov. 4th. Nor can I believe you intended to be understood universally in your private Letter above referrd to. Some of them would be useful & good Citizens; others, I believe highly dangerous. Our Act pa.s.sed in the late Session of the General Court declares them all Aliens, and excludes those of them who in a former Act were called Conspirators from residing among us. It restores the Estates of others which have not been confiscated and refers their coming to reside within the Commonwealth in the first Instance to the Governor with Advice of Council. The Licenses he may give are to be valid if approvd of by the General Court at the Session next after such License shall be given. It is thought that this will be a difficult Task for the Governor & Council, but a constant Attention to the publick Safety without Respect to Persons will prevent Difficulties. "Much, says your joynt Letter, will depend upon our Negociations with England." The sooner a Commercial Treaty is settled with that Nation the better, as it appears to me. Our General Court, in the late Session, thought of making Retaliation on England for her prohibiting Importations from America into her West India Islands but in British Bottoms. They were sensible of the Difficulty in the Way of the United States coming into general Regulations of this Kind, & have written to their Delegates on the Subject. Should the States agree to give Congress a more extensive Power, it may yet be a great while before it is compleated; and Britain in the mean time seeing our Trade daily reverting to its old Channel, may think it needless and impolitick to enter into express Stipulations in favor of any Part of it while she promises her self the whole without them.
I am fully in the Sentiment expressd in your joynt Letter Sept 10th, that now we have regular & const.i.tutional Governments, popular Committees and County Conventions are not only useless but dangerous.
They served an excellent Purpose & were highly necessary when they were set up. I shall not repent the small Share I then took in them. But what think you of the District & State Conventions of the Cincinnati, & of the Cincinnati in Congress a.s.sembled? Do not these a.s.semblies convene expressly to deliberate & adopt Measures on great and National Concerns proper only for the Cognizance of the United States in Congress a.s.sembled, and the different Legislators & Officers of Government? And will they not, being an Order of Military Men, too soon proceed to enforce their Resolutions, not only to the lessening the Dignity of the States in the Eye of Europe, but the putting an End to their free Existence! The Order is very unpopular here. By the inclosd you will see the Sentiments of our Gen1 Court. The Governor of Sdeg.
Carolina in a late Speech to his a.s.sembly inveighs against them with the Vehemence of Luther.
Adieu
TO JOHN ADAMS.