The revenues of the sultan of Fezzan arise from slaves, merchandise, and dates. For every slave, great or small, he receives, on their entering his kingdom, two Spanish dollars; in some years the number of slaves amount to 4,000; for a camel"s load of oil or b.u.t.ter, seven dollars; for a load of beads, copper, or hardware, four dollars; and of clothing, three dollars. All Arabs, who buy dates pay a dollar duty on each load, equal at times to the price of the article, before they are allowed to remove it. Above 3,000 loads are sold to them annually. Date trees, except those of the kadi and mamlukes, are taxed at the rate of one dollar for every two hundred; by this duty, in the neighbourhood of Mourzouk, or more properly in the few immediately neighbouring villages, the sultan receives yearly 10,000 dollars. Of all sheep or goats, he is ent.i.tled to a fifth. On the sale of every slave, he has, in addition to the head-money, a dollar and a half, which, at the rate of 4,000, gives another 6,000 dollars.
The captured slaves are sold by auction, at which the sultan"s brokers attend, bidding high only for the finest. The owner bids against them until he has an offer equal to what he considers as the value of the slave; he has then three-fourths of the money paid to him, while one-fourth is paid by the purchaser to the sultan. Should the owner not wish to part with his slaves, he buys them in, and the sum which he last names, is considered as the price, from which he has to pay the sultan"s share. The trees, which are his private property, produce about 6,000 camel loads of dates, each load 400 pounds weight, and which may be estimated at 18,000 dollars. Every garden pays a _tenth_ of the corn produced. The gardens are very small, and are watered, with great labour, from brackish wells. Rain is unknown, and dews never fall. In these alone corn is raised, as well as other esculents. Pomegranates and fig-trees are sometimes planted in the water-channels. Presents of slaves are frequently made, and fines levied. Each town pays a certain sum, which is small; but as the towns are numerous, it may be averaged to produce 4,000 dollars. Add to this his annual excursions for slaves, sometimes bringing 1,000 or 1,600, of which one-fourth are his, as well as the same proportion of camels. He alone can sell horses, which he buys for five or six dollars, when half starved, from the Arabs, who come to trade, and cannot maintain them, and makes a great profit by obtaining slaves in exchange for them. All his people are fed by the public, and he has no money to pay, except to the bashaw, which is about 15,000 dollars per annum. There are various other ways, in which he extorts money. If a man dies childless, the sultan inherits great part of his property; and if he thinks it necessary to kill a man, he becomes his entire heir.
In Mourzouk, about a tenth part of the population are slaves, though many of them have been brought away from their native country so young as hardly to be considered in that light. With respect to the household slaves, little or no difference is to be perceived between them and freemen, and they are often entrusted with the affairs of their master. These domestic slaves are rarely sold, and on the death of any of the family to which they belong, one or more of them receive their liberty; when, being accustomed to the country, and not having any recollection of their own, they marry, settle, and are consequently considered as naturalised. It was the custom, when the people were more opulent, to liberate a male or female on the feast of Bairam, after the fast of Rhamadan. This practice is not entirely obsolete, but nearly so. In Mourzouk there are some white families, who are called mamlukes, being descended from renegades, whom the bashaw had presented to the former sultan. These families and their descendants are considered n.o.ble, and, however poor and low their situation may be, are not a little vain of their t.i.tle.
The general appearance of the men of Fezzan is plain, and their complexion black. The women are of the same colour, and ugly in the extreme. Neither s.e.x are remarkable for figure, weight, strength, vigour, or activity. They have a very peculiar cast of countenance, which distinguishes them from other blacks; their cheek-bones are higher and more prominent, their faces flatter, and their noses less depressed, and more peaked at the tip than those of the negroes.
Their eyes are generally small, and their mouths of an immense width; but their teeth are frequently good; their hair is woolly, though not completely frizzled. They are a cheerful people, fond of dancing and music, and obliging to each other. The men almost all read and write a little, but in every thing else they are very dull and heavy; their affections are cold and selfish, and a kind of general indifference to the common incidents of life, mark all their actions. They are neither p.r.o.ne to sudden anger, nor at all revengeful. In Mourzouk the men drink a great quant.i.ty of _lackbi,_ or a drink called _busa,_ which is prepared from the dates, and is very intoxicating. The men are good-humoured drunkards, and when friends a.s.semble in the evening, the ordinary amus.e.m.e.nt is mere drinking; but sometimes a _kadanka_ (singing girl) is sent for. The Arabs practise hospitality generally; but among the Fezzaners that virtue does not exist, they are, however, very attentive and obsequious to those in whose power they are, or who can repay them tenfold for their pretended disinterestedness. Their religion enjoins, that, should a stranger enter while they are at their meals, he must be invited to partake, but they generally contrive to evade this injunction by eating with closed doors. The lower cla.s.ses are from necessity very industrious, women as well as men, as they draw water, work in the gardens, drive the a.s.ses, make mats, baskets, &c. in addition to their other domestic duties. People of the better cla.s.s, or, more properly, those who can afford to procure slaves to work for them, are, on the contrary, very idle and lethargic; they do nothing but lounge or loll about, inquiring what their neighbours have had for dinner, gossip about slaves, dates, &c., or boast of some cunning cheat, which they have practised on a Tibboo or Tuarick, who, though very knowing fellows, are, comparatively with the Fezzaners, fair in their dealings. Their moral character is on a par with that of the Tripolines, though, if any thing, they are rather less insincere.
Falsehood is not considered odious, unless when detected; and when employed in trading, they affirm that it is allowed by the Koran, for the good of merchants. However this may be, Captain Lyon a.s.serts, that he never could find any one able to point out the pa.s.sage authorizing these commercial falsehoods.
The lower cla.s.ses work neatly in leather; they weave a few coa.r.s.e barracans, and make iron-work in a solid, though clumsy manner. One or two work in gold and silver with much skill, considering the badness of their tools, and every man is capable of acting as a carpenter or mason; the wood being that of the date tree, and the houses being built of mud, very little elegance or skill is necessary. Much deference is paid to the artists in leather or metals, who are called, _par excellence, sta,_ or master, as leather-master, iron-master, &c.
From the constant communication with Bornou and Soudan, the languages of both these countries are generally spoken, and many of their words are introduced into the Arabic. The family slaves and their children by their masters, constantly speak the language of the country, whence they originally come. Their writing is in the Mogrebyn character, which is used, as is supposed by Captain Lyon, universally in western Africa, and differs much from that of the east. The p.r.o.nunciation is also very different, the kaf being p.r.o.nounced as a G, and only marked with one nunnation, and F is pointed below; they have no idea of arithmetic, but reckon every thing by dots on the sand, ten in a line; many can hardly tell how much two and two amount to. They expressed great surprise at the Europeans being able to add numbers together without fingering. Though very fond of poetry, they are incapable of composing it. The Arabs, however, invent a few little songs, which the natives have much pleasure in learning, and the women sing some of the negro airs very prettily, while grinding their corn.
The songs of the kadankas (singing girls), who answer to the Egyptian almehs, is Soudanic. Their musical instrument is called rhababe, or erhab. It is an excavated hemisphere, made from the sh.e.l.l of a gourd lime, and covered with leather; to this a long handle is fixed, on which is stretched a string of horse hairs, longitudinally closed, and compact as one cord, about the thickness of a quill. This is played upon with a bow. Captain Lyon says, the women really produced a very pleasing, though a wild melody; their songs were pretty and plaintive, and generally in the Soudan language, which is very musical. What is rather singular, he heard the same song sung by the same woman that Horneman mentions, and she recollected having seen that traveller at the castle.
The lower cla.s.ses and the slaves, who, in point of colour and appearance, are the same, labour together. The freeman has, however, only one inducement to work, which is hunger; he has no notion of laying by any thing for the advantage of his family, or as a reserve for himself in his old age; but if by any chance he obtains money, he remains idle until it is expended, and then returns unwillingly to work. The females here are allowed greater liberty than those of Tripoli, and are more kindly treated. Though so much better used than those of Barbary, their life is still a state of slavery. A man never ventures to speak of his women; is reproached, if he spends much time in their company, never eats with them; but is waited upon at his meals, and fanned by them while he sleeps. Yet these poor beings, never having known the sweets of liberty, are, in spite of their humiliation, comparatively happy.
The authority of parents over their children is very great; some fathers of the better cla.s.s do not allow their sons even to eat or sit down in their presence, until they become men; the poorer orders are less strict.
There are no written records of events amongst the Fezzaners, and their traditions are so disfigured, and so strangely mingled with religious and superst.i.tious falsehoods, that no confidence can be placed in them. Yet the natives themselves look with particular respect on a man capable of talking of the people of the olden time.
Several scriptural traditions are selected and believed. The Psalms of David, the Pentateuch, the Books of Solomon, and many extracts from the inspired writers, are universally known, and most reverentially considered. The New Testament, translated into the Arabic, which Captain Lyon took with him, was eagerly read, and no exception was made to it, but that of our Saviour being designated as the son of G.o.d. St. Paul, or Baulus, bears all the blame of Mahomet"s name not being inserted in it, as they believe that his coming was foretold by Christ, but that Paul erased it; he is therefore called a kaffir, and his name is not used with much reverence.
Captain Lyon had not been more than ten days at Mourzouk, before he was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined him to his bed during twenty-two days, and reduced him to the last extremity. His unadorned narrative conveys an affecting account of the sufferings to which the party were exposed from the insalubrity of the climate; the inadequate arrangements which had been made for their comfort, or even subsistence, and the sordid and treacherous conduct of the sultan. "Our little party," he says, "was at this time miserably poor; for we had money only sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little community, and from that time, it rarely happened that one or two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat and dryness of the climate, long r.e.t.a.r.ded my recovery, and when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he required frequent cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water, and, excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh him.
Our money was now all expended, and the sultan"s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to walk. My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance on that Power which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie the most menial offices.
Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our forlorn condition, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off our little store of rice and cuscoussou; laughing at our complaints, and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we should otherwise have sought and obtained."
Rhamadan, the Mahommedan Lent, was announced on the 22nd June. The strictest fast was immediately commenced, lasting from before day, about three a.m., till sunset, seven p.m. In order to support their a.s.sumed character as Moslem; they were now obliged, during the sixteen hours, to eat only by stealth, their friend Mukni having surrounded them with spies. Mr. Ritchie only, being confined to his bed by illness, was privileged to take food or drink. The excessive heat, which now raged, added to their sufferings. During the month of June, the thermometer, at five o"clock a.m., stood at from 86 to 93, but at two o"clock p.m., it rose to 117, 122, 124, and at length, on the 19th and 20th, to 131 and 133 of Fahrenheit. In the early part of July, the heat somewhat abated; the thermometer, at two p.m., ranging between 110 and 117. Towards the close of the month, it again rose to 125, in August to 130 and 133, in September it ranged between 119 and 133, with little difference in the temperature of the mornings; and in October, the average was about 110. The minimum, in December, was 51 at five a.m., and 77 in the afternoon.
The close of the Rhamadan, on the 22d July, was attended, in the city, with the most extravagant demonstrations of rejoicing.
Everybody was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and drinking. Poor Mr. Ritchie, after having been confined to his bed for fifty-eight days, was now able to sit up a little, and by the 20th August had tolerably recovered. About the same time, Belford was again attacked with giddiness and deafness, and fell into a very weak state. Their rate of living was now reduced to a quart of corn _per diem,_ with occasionally a few dates, divided amongst four persons.
No one would purchase their merchandize, owing, as it became apparent to Mukni"s treacherous orders. Mr. Ritchie, for reasons not explained, did not think it right to draw for money on the treasury, and they were reduced to the last extremity, when the sultan graciously condescended to advance them eight dollars, and at this time a neighbour repaid them ten dollars, which they had lent soon after their arrival. They were now able to treat themselves with a little meat. About the 20th September, Mr. Ritchie, who had never recovered his spirits, but had latterly shunned the society even of his companions, again relapsed, and was confined to his bed, and Belford, though better in health, was entirely deaf; their condition became every day more dest.i.tute. They had hired a woman to cook for them at a dollar a month. She was required to come only once a day, to bake their bread or make their cuscoussou; and it often happened, that when she had stolen half the allowance to which they had restricted themselves, they were obliged to fast till the morrow.
They were saved, when on the very brink of starvation, by a supply of seven dollars, the munificent reward conferred upon Belford by the sultan, for constructing a rude kind of carriage for him. Soon afterwards, they sold a horse for seventy dollars. This seasonable supply was carefully economized; but it had become much reduced when Captain Lyon and Belford both fell ill again. The former rose from his bed, after being confined to it for a week, a skeleton. Under this exigency they met with a remarkable instance of disinterested friendship on the part of a native, Yusuf el Lizari, who, as well as his brother, had previously shown them much kindness. "One night,"
says Captain Lyon, "as we were all sitting pensively on our mat, our friend Yusuf came in, and, addressing Mr. Ritchie, said, "Yusuf, you, and Said are my friends. Mukni has hopes you may die, that he may secure to himself all your goods. You seem very melancholy; do you want money?" Mr. Ritchie having acknowledged that he did, Yusuf rejoined, "I have none myself, but I will borrow some for you."
Twenty dollars being the sum named, our kind friend went out, and soon returned with thirty, an act of generosity so unlocked for, that we were incapable of thanking him as he deserved. This seasonable supply enabled us to buy some good food, and to make some amends for our late privations. Our health soon improved, and Mr. Ritchie"s spirits began to brighten."
But this interval of hope was soon darkened. On the 8th of November, poor Ritchie was again attacked by illness, and after lying for three or four days in a state of torpor, without taking any refreshment, he again became delirious, and on the 20th expired. The two survivors of this ill-fated party were themselves reduce to the lowest state of debility, and the only prospect before them, was that of probably following, in a few days, their lamented companion. "And now, for the first time in all our distresses," says Captain Lyon, "my hopes did indeed fail me. Belford, as well as he was able, hastened to form a rough coffin out of their chests, while the washers of the dead came to perform their melancholy office. The protestant burial service was read over the body, in secret, during the night, and on the next day, the remains were committed to the grave. At the grave, it was deemed necessary to keep up the farce of Mahommadism, by publicly reciting the first chapter of the Koran, which the most serious Christian would consider as a beautiful and applicable form on such an occasion."
Within an hour after the funeral, a courier arrived from Tripoli, announcing that a further allowance of 1,000 had been made by the British government towards the expenses of the expedition. Had this welcome intelligence reached them a little sooner, many of their distresses would have been prevented. The efforts and mental exertions which the survivors of the party had undergone, proved, however, too much for their strength, and, for ten days, both were again confined to their beds. During this time, they were most humanely attended by Yusuf and Haji Mahmoud, and by a little girl, who was their princ.i.p.al nurse. At length, Captain Lyon sufficiently recovered his health, to undertake, during the months of December and January, two excursions to the east and south of Mourzouk, preparatory to his return to England. On the 9th of February, he finally left Mourzouk; and on the 25th March, exactly one year from the day on which the party left Tripoli, the Captain and Belford, his surviving companion, re-entered that capital.
CHAPTER XIX.
Death had hitherto been the lot of the African adventurers, but nothing could shake the determination of the British government, to obtain, by some means or other, a competent degree of information respecting the unknown countries of Africa. The great favour enjoyed at the court of Tripoli, was still regarded as an advantageous circ.u.mstance. It was chiefly due to the prudence and ability of Mr.
Warrington, without whose advice scarcely any thing of importance was transacted. The bashaw was therefore disposed to renew his protection to whatever mission Britain might send; nor could the support of any sovereign have been more efficient, for the influence of this petty prince, and the terror of his name, were almost unbounded in the greatest kingdoms of central Africa. One weapon, the gun, in the hands of his troops, gives him all this superiority; for the remoter nations, from the Nile to the Atlantic, scarcely know any other arms besides the spear, the bow, and the javelin. A musket among those tribes is an object of almost supernatural dread; individuals have been seen kneeling down before it, speaking to it in whispers, and addressing to it earnest supplications. With troops thus armed, the bashaw of Tripoli is esteemed, in northern Africa, the most potent monarch on earth; and it is a matter of surprise amongst the natives, that he has not ere now compelled all Europe to embrace the Mahommedan faith. He could, therefore, a.s.sure the English, that for any but physical obstacles, they might travel in safety from Tripoli to Bornou, as from Edinburgh to London.
Under the confidence inspired by these circ.u.mstances, government prepared another expedition, and without difficulty procured a fresh band of adventurers, who undertook to brave all its perils. Major Denham, Lieutenant Clapperton, of the navy, and Dr. Oudney, a naval surgeon, possessing a considerable knowledge of natural history, were appointed to the service. Without delay they proceeded to Tripoli, where they arrived on the 18th November, 1821. They were immediately introduced to the bashaw, whom they found sitting cross-legged on a carpet, attended by armed negroes. After treating them to sherbet and coffee, he invited them to a hawking party, where he appeared mounted on a milk-white Arabian steed, superbly caparisoned, having a saddle of crimson velvet, richly studded with gold nails and with embroidered trappings. The hunt began on the borders of the desert, where parties of six or eight Arabs dashed forward quick as lightning, fired suddenly, and rushed back with loud cries. The skill, with which they manoeuvred their steeds, whirling the long muskets over their heads, as they rode at full gallop, appeared quite surprising.
On the 5th March, the party left Tripoli for Benioleed. Here the consul and his son, who had accompanied them from Tripoli, took their leave, with many hearty good wishes for their success and prosperity.
On the day previously to their approach to Sockna, the uniformity of the journey was somewhat enlivened, by meeting with a kafila, or coffle of slaves from Fezzan, in which were about seventy negresses, much better looking and more healthy than any they had seen near the sea coast. They were marching in parties of fifteen or twenty, and on inquiring of one of these parties from whence they came, the poor things divided themselves with the greatest simplicity, and answered, "Soudan, Berghami and Kanem," pointing out the different parcels from each country as they spoke. Those from Soudan had the most regular features, and an expression of countenance particularly pleasing.
Pa.s.sing a small wadey and plantation of date trees, they had soon a view of Sockna, and were met on the plain on which it stands, by the governor and princ.i.p.al inhabitants, accompanied by some hundreds of the country people, who all crowded round their horses, kissing their hands, and welcoming them with every appearance of sincerity and satisfaction, and in this way they entered the town; the words _Inglesi, Inglesi,_ were repeated by a hundred voices. This was to them highly satisfactory, as they were the first English travellers in Africa, who had resisted the persuasion that a disguise was necessary, and who had determined to travel in their real character as Britons and Christians, and to wear on all occasions their English dresses; nor had they at any future period occasion to regret that they had done so. There was here neither jealousy nor distrust of them as Christians, on the contrary, Major Denham was perfectly satisfied that their reception would have been less friendly, had they a.s.sumed a character that would have been at the best but ill supported. In trying to make themselves appear as Mussulmans, they would have been set down as real impostors.
Of the inhabitants of Sockna, we have already given a full account in the foregoing travels of Captain Lyon, nor does the history given by Major Denham differ in any of the essential points. Of the affability of the females, the travellers had however many proofs, and whilst only two of them were walking through the town one morning, with a little army of ragged boys following them, two of rather the better order quickly dispersed them, and invited the English to enter a house, saying that a _mara zene,_ a beautiful woman, wished to see them. They put themselves under their guidance, and entering a better sort of dwelling house, were quickly surrounded by half a dozen ladies, most of them aged, but who asked them a thousand questions, and when satisfied that their visitors were not dangerous people, called several younger ones, who appeared to be but waiting for permission to show themselves. The dresses of the visitors were then minutely examined; the yellow b.u.t.tons on their waistcoats, and their watches created the greatest astonishment. Major Denham wore a pair of loose white trousers, into the pockets of which he accidentally put his hands, which raised the curiosity of the ladies to a wonderful degree; the major"s hands were pulled out, and those of three or four of the ladies thrust in, in their stead; these were replaced by others, all demanding their use so violently and loudly, that he had considerable difficulty in extricating himself, and was glad to make his escape.
The remaining half of their journey to Mourzouk was pretty nearly the same kind of surface as they had pa.s.sed before, but in some places worse. Sometimes two, and once three days, they were without finding a supply of water, which was generally muddy, bitter, or brackish.
Nor is this the worst which sometimes befals the traveller; the overpowering effect of a sudden sand-wind, when nearly at the close of the desert, often destroys a whole kafila, already weakened by fatigue, and the spot was pointed out to them strewed with bones and dried carca.s.ses, where the year before, fifty sheep, two camels, and two men perished from thirst and fatigue, when within eight hours march of the well, for which they were then anxiously looking.
Indeed the sand storm they had the misfortune to encounter in crossing the desert, gave them a pretty correct idea of the dreaded effects of these hurricanes. The wind raised the fine sand, with which the extensive desert was covered, so as to fill the atmosphere, and render the immense s.p.a.ce before them impenetrable to the eye beyond a few yards. The sun and clouds were entirely obscured, and a suffocating and oppressive weight accompanied the flakes and ma.s.ses of sand, which it might be said they had to penetrate at every step.
At times they completely lost sight of the camels, though only a few yards before them. The horses hung their tongues out of their mouths, and refused to face the torrents of sand. A sheep that accompanied the kafila, the last of their stock, lay down in the road, and they were obliged to kill him and throw the carca.s.s on a camel; a parching thirst oppressed them, which nothing alleviated. They had made but little way by three o"clock in the afternoon, when the wind got round to the eastward, and imparted to them a little refreshment. With this change they moved on until about five, when they halted, protected a little by three several ranges of irregular hills, some conical, and some table-topped. As they had but little wood, their fare was confined to tea, and they hoped to find relieve from their fatigues by a sound sleep. That, however, was denied them; the tent had been imprudently pitched, and was exposed to the east wind, which blew a hurricane during the night: the tent was blown down, and the whole detachment were employed a full hour in getting it up again; their bedding and everything within it was during that time completely buried, by the constant driving of the sand. Major Denham was obliged three times during the night, to get up for the purpose of strengthening the pegs, and when he awoke in the morning, two hillocks of sand were formed on each side of his head, some inches high. On the 7th April, they arrived at a village in the midst of a vast mult.i.tude of palm trees, just one day"s journey short of Mourzouk. As it was to be the last day"s march, they were all in good spirits at the prospect of rest, and had they made their arrangements with judgment, every thing would have gone on well. They had, however, neglected sending _an axant courier,_ to advise the sultan of their arrival, a practice which ought particularly to have been attended to, and consequently their reception was not what it ought to have been. They arrived at D"leem, a small plantation of date trees, at noon, and finding no water in the well, were obliged to proceed, and it was three in the afternoon before they arrived at the wells near Mourzouk. Here they were obliged to wait till the camels came up, in order that they might advance in form. They might, however, have saved themselves the trouble. No one came out to meet them, except some naked boys, and a mixture of Tibboos, Tuaricks, and Fezzanese, who gazed at them with astonishment, and no very pleasant aspect.
They determined on not entering the town, in a manner so little flattering to those whom they represented, and retiring to a rising ground, a little distance from the gates of the town, waited the return of a _chaoush,_ who had been despatched to announce their arrival. After half an hour"s delay, the Shiek el Blad, the governor of the town came out, and in the sultan"s name requested they would accompany him to the house, which had been prepared for them, and he added, to their great surprise, the English consul is there already.
The fact was, a very ill-looking Jew servant of Major Denham"s, mounted on a white mule, with a pair of small canteens under him, had preceded the camels and entered the town by himself. He was received with great respect by all the inhabitants, conducted through the streets to the house which was destined to receive the party, and from the circ.u.mstance of the canteens being all covered with small bra.s.s shining nails, a very high idea, of his consequence was formed.
He very sensibly received ail their attentions in silence, and drank the cool water and milk which were handed to him, and they always had the laugh against them afterwards, for having shown so much civility to an Israelite, a race which are heartily despised. "We thought the English," said they, "were better looking than Jews--death to their race! but the G.o.d made us all, though not all handsome like Mussulmans, so who could tell?"
As they were all this time exposed to a burning sun, they were well inclined to compromise a little of their dignity, and determined on entering the town, which they did by the princ.i.p.al gate. Their interview with the sultan of Mourzouk was anything but encouraging; he told them that there was no intention, as they had been led to expect, of any expedition to proceed to the southward for some time to come; that an army could only move in the spring of the year; that the arrangements for moving a body of men through a country, where every necessary must be carried on camels, both for men and horses, were go numerous, that before the following spring it was scarcely possible to complete them, that two camels were required for every man and horse, and one for every two men on foot. And as to their proceeding to Bornou, it would be necessary had the bashaw instructed him to forward them, that they should be accompanied by an escort of two hundred men. He said, he would read to them the bashaw"s letter, and they should see the extent to which he could forward their wishes. The letter was then handed to his fighi, or secretary, and they found that they were entrusted to the protection of the sultan of Fezzan, who was to charge himself with their safety, and to ensure their being treated with respect and attention by all his subjects.
That they were to reside at Sebha or Mourzouk, or wherever they chose in the kingdom of Fezzan, and to await his return from Tripoli. With this their audience ended, and they returned to their habitation.
It is quite impossible to express the disheartening feelings, with which they left the castle. The heat was intense; the thermometer standing at 97 in the coolest spot in the house during the of the day; and the nights were scarcely less oppressive; the flies were in such myriads, that darkness was the only refuge from their annoyance.
They received visits from all the princ.i.p.al people of Mourzouk, the day after their arrival, and remarking a very tall Turiack, with a pair of expressive, large, benevolent looking eyes, above the black mask, with which they always cover the lower part of their face, hovering about the door, Major Denham made signs to him to come near, and inquired after Hateeta, the chief, of whom Captain Lyon had spoken so highly, and for whom at his request, he was the bearer of a sword. To the great surprise of Major Denham, striking his breast, he exclaimed, "I am Hateeta, Are you a countryman of Said? (Captain Lyon"s travelling name,) How is he? I have often longed to hear of him." Major Denham found that Hateeta had been but once in Mourzouk, since the departure of Captain Lyon, and was to remain only a few days. On the following morning, he came to the house, and the sword was presented to him. It would be difficult to describe his delight, he drew the sword and returned it repeatedly, pressed it to his breast, exclaimed, Allah! Allah! took the hand of Major Denham, and pressing it, said, _katar heyrick ya.s.sur ya.s.sur,_ (thank you very, very much,) nearly all the Arabic he could speak. It was shortly reported all over the town, that Hateeta had received a present from Said, worth one hundred dollars.
They had been several times visited, and their hopes and spirits raised by a person called Boo Bucker, Boo Khaloom. He said that it was in the sultan"s power to send them on to Bornou, if he pleased, he even hinted that a bribe for himself might induce him to do so; this, however, was found not to be the case. Boo Khaloom was represented to them, and truly, as a merchant of very considerable riches and affluence in the interior. He was on the eve of starting for Tripoli, with really superb presents for the bashaw. He had five hundred slaves, the handsomest that could be procured, besides other things. He stated in secret, that his princ.i.p.al object in going to Tripoli, was to obtain the removal of the sultan of Fezzan, and he wished that they should make application to the bashaw, for him to accompany them further into the interior; they were not, however, to hint that the proposition had come from him. Boo Khaloom said, that he should be instantly joined by upwards of one hundred merchants, who waited for his going, and no further escort would be necessary; that he should merely remain a few weeks in Tripoli, and on his return they should instantly move on.
Boo Khaloom left Mourzouk for Tripoli with his slaves and presents, loading upwards of thirty camels, apparently reconciled to, and upon good terms with the sultan. It was, however, very well known, that Sultan Mustapha had set every engine at work to have Boo Khaloom"s head taken off, on his arrival at Tripoli, and that the other was willing to sacrifice all that he was worth to displace and ruin Mustapha in the bashaw"s favour.
It was not until the 18th, that the sultan, after attending the mosque, started for Tripoli; all his camels and suite had marched in divisions for three days previously; in slaves he had alone more than 1,500. He was attended by about ten hors.e.m.e.n, his particular favourites, and four flags were carried before him, through the town.
The inhabitants complained dreadfully of his avarice, and declared that he had not left a dollar, or an animal worth one, in all Fezzan.
Nothing was now to be done but to make their arrangements for a favourable start the following spring. By the sultan"s departure, every necessary for their proceeding was withdrawn from the spot where they were. Not a camel was to be procured, and every dollar, that he could by any means force from his subjects, was forwarded to Tripoli. To that place, therefore, were they to look for supplies of every kind, and it was unanimously decided, that the departure of Major Denham for Tripoli should follow that of the sultan or as soon as possible.
In pursuance of this determination to represent to the bashaw of Tripoli, how necessary it was that something more than promises should be given them for their sterling money, on Monday, the 20th May, Major Denham left Mourzouk, with only his own negro servant, three camels, and two Arabs, and after a most dreary journey of twenty days, over the same uninteresting country which he had already traversed, the more dreary for want of his former companions, he arrived at Tripoli on the 12th June, where he was received by the consul, with his usual hospitality and kindness, and he a.s.signed him apartments in the consulate.
Major Denham requested an immediate audience of the bashaw, which, in consequence of the Rhamadan, was not granted him until the following evening. The consul, Captain Smyth of the navy, and Major Denham, attended. The latter represented, in the strongest terms, how greatly they were disappointed at the unexpected and ruinous delay, which they had experienced at Mourzouk, and requested a specific time being fixed for their proceeding to Bornou, stating also, that were the answer not satisfactory, he should proceed forthwith to England, and represent to the government how grievously they had been deceived.
The I bashaw denied having intentionally broken his word, and solemnly declared that the will of G.o.d, in visiting the sultan of Fezzan with sickness, had alone prevented their being now on the road to Bornou.
Not receiving the full satisfaction which was expected, Major Denham lost no time in setting sail for England, to lodge a complaint with his own court. This news was painfully felt by the bashaw, who sent vessel after vessel, one of which at last overtook Major Denham, while performing quarantine at Ma.r.s.eilles, and announced to him, that arrangements were actually made with Boo Khaloom, for escorting him to the capital of Bornou. Major Denham immediately re-embarked, and a seven days" pa.s.sage brought him once more to the sh.o.r.es of Barbary.
Boo Khaloom and part of the escort were already at the entrance of the desert; and on the 17th September, they re-entered the pa.s.s of Melghri in the Tarhona Mountains.
Hope and confidence had now taken possession of the mind of Major Denham, in the place of anxiety and disappointment; there was now an air of a.s.surance and success in all their arrangements, and, with this conviction, Major Denham felt his health and spirits increase.
But little beyond the casualties attendant on desert travelling, occurred previously to their arriving again at Sockna, which took place on the 2nd October.
Major Denham found that the great failing of his friend, Boo Khaloom, was pomp and show; and feeling that he was on this occasion the representative of the bashaw, he was evidently unwilling that any sultan of Fezzan should exceed him in magnificence. On entering Sockna, his six princ.i.p.al followers, handsomely attired in turbans and fine barracans, and mounted on his best horses, kept near his person, whilst the others at a little distance, formed the flanks.
Major Denham rode on his right hand, dressed in his British uniform, with loose Turkish trousers, a red turban, red boots, with a white bornouse over all, as a shade from the sun, and this, though not strictly according to orders, was by no means an unbecoming dress.
Boo Khaloom was mounted on a beautiful white Tunisian horse, a present from the bashaw, the peak and rear of the saddle covered with gold, and his housings were of scarlet cloth, with a border of gold six inches broad. His dress consisted of red boots, richly embroidered with gold, yellow silk trousers, a crimson velvet caftan with gold b.u.t.tons, a silk benise of sky blue, and a silk sidria underneath. A transparent white silk barraca was thrown lightly over this, and on his shoulder hung a scarlet bornouse with wide gold lace, a present also from the bashaw, which had cost at least four hundred dollars, and a cashmere shawl turban crowned the whole. In this splendid array they moved on, until, as they approached the gates of the town, the dancing and singing men and women met them, and amidst these, the shouts and firing of the men, who skirmished before them, and the loo! loo! of the women, they entered Sockna.
They found that houses were provided for them in the town, but the kafila bivouacked outside the gates. It had always been their intention to halt at Sockna for three or four days, and here they expected to be joined by a party of Megarha Arabs, whom their sheik, Abdi Smud ben Erhoma, had left them for the purpose of collecting together. Hoon and Wadan were also to furnish them with another quota.