Creuxius, in his History of Canada, published at Paris in 1664, describes this fish nearly in the words of Champlain, with an engraving sufficiently accurate for identification, but greatly wanting in scientific exactness. He adds, "It is not described by ancient authors, probably because it is only found in the Lake of the Iroquois;" that is, in Lake Champlain. From which it may be inferred that at that time it had not been discovered in other waters. By the French, he says, it is called _piscis armatus_. This is in evident allusion to its bony scales, in which it is protected as in a coat of mail.
It is described by Dr. Kay in the Natural History of New York, Zoology, Part I. p 271. On Plate XLIII. Fig. 139, of the same work, the reader will observe that the head of the fish there represented strikingly resembles that of the chaousarou of Champlain as depicted on his map of 1612. The drawing by Champlain is very accurate, and clearly identifies the Gar Pike. This singular fish has been found in Lake Champlain, the river St. Lawrence, and in the northern lakes, likewise in the Mississippi River, where is to be found also a closely related species commonly called the alligator gar. In the Museum of the Boston Society of Natural History are several specimens, one of them from St. John"s River, Florida, four feet and nine inches in length, of which the head is seventeen and a half inches. If the body of those seen by Champlain was five feet, the head two and a half feet would be in about the usual proportion.
344. The Green Mountain range in Vermont, generally not more than twenty or twenty-five miles distant. Champlain was probably deceived as to the snow on their summits in July. What he saw was doubtless white limestone, which might naturally enough be taken for snow in the absence of any positive knowledge. The names of the summits visible from the lake are the following, with their respective heights. The Chin, 4,348 feet; The Nose, 4,044; Camel"s Hump, 4,083; Jay"s Peak, 4,018; Killington Peak, 3,924. This region was at an early period called _Irocosia_.
345. This is not an inaccurate description of the beautiful as well as rich and fertile valleys to be found among the hills of Vermont.
346. On entering the lake, they saw the Adirondack Mountains, which would appear very nearly in the south. The points visible from the lake were Mt. Marcy, 5,467 feet high above tide-water; Dix"s Peak, 5,200; Nipple Top, 4,900; Whiteface, 4,900; Raven Hill, 2,100; Bald Peak, 2,065.-- _Vide Palmer"s Lake Champlain_, p. 12.
347. The river here referred to is the Hudson. By pa.s.sing from Lake Champlain through the small stream that connects it with Lake George, over this latter lake and a short carrying place, the upper waters of the Hudson are reached. The coast of Norumbegue and that of Florida were both indefinite regions, not well defined by geographers of that day. These terms were supplied by Champlain, and not by his informants. He could not of course tell precisely where this unknown river reached the sea, but naturally inferred that it was on the southern limit of Norumbegue, which extended from the Pen.o.bscot towards Florida, which latter at that time was supposed to extend from the Gulf of Mexico indefinitely to the north.
348. This battle, or Skirmish, clearly took place at Ticonderoga, or _Cheonderoga_, as the Indians called it, where a cape juts out into the lake, as described by Champlain. This is the logical inference to be drawn from the whole narrative. It is to be observed that the purpose of the Indians, whom Champlain was accompanying, was to find their enemies, the Iroquois, and give them battle. The journey, or warpath, had been clearly marked out and described by the Indians to Champlain, as may be seen in the text. It led them along the western sh.o.r.e of the lake to the outlet of Lake George, over the fall in the little stream connecting the two lakes, through Lake George, and thence to the mountains beyond, where the Iroquois resided. They found the Iroquois, however, on the lake; gave them battle on the little cape alluded to; and after the victory and pursuit for some distance into the forest, and the gathering up of the spoils, Champlain and his allies commenced their journey homeward. But Champlain says he saw the fall in the stream that connects the two lakes. Now this little stream flows into Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga, and he would naturally have seen the fall, if the battle took place there, while in pursuit of the Iroquois into the forest, as described in the text. The fall was in the line of the retreat of the Iroquois towards their home, and is only a mile and three-quarters from the cape jutting out into the lake at Ticonderoga. If the battle had occurred at any point north of Ticonderoga, he could not have seen the fall, as they retreated immediately after the battle: if it had taken place south of that point, it would have been off the war-path which they had determined to pursue. We must conclude, therefore, that the battle took place at Ticonderoga, a little north of the ruins of the old Fort Carillon, directly on the sh.o.r.e of the lake. If the reader will examine the plan of the battle as given by Champlain"s engraving, he will see that it conforms with great exactness to the known topography of the place.
The Iroquois, who had their choice of positions are on the north, in the direction of Willow Point, where they can most easily retreat, and where Champlain and his allies can be more easily hemmed in near the point of the cape. The Iroquois are on lower ground, and we know that the surface there shelves to the north. The well-known sandy bottom of the lake at this place would furnish the means of fastening the canoes, by forcing poles into it, a little out from the sh.o.r.e during the night, as they actually did. On Champlain"s map of 1632, this point is referred to as the location of the battle; and in his note on the map. No. 65, he says this is the place where the Iroquois were defeated by Champlain. All the facts of the narrative thus point to Ticonderoga, and render it indisputable that this was the scene of the first of the many recorded conflicts on this memorable lake. We should not have entered into this discussion so fully, had not several writers, not well informed, expressed views wholly inconsistent with known facts.
349. The Indian name of Lake Champlain is _Caniaderiguaronte_, the lake that is the gate of the country.--_Vide Administration of the Colonies_, by Thomas Pownall. 1768, p. 267. This name was very significant, since the lake and valley of Champlain was the "gate," or war-path, by which the hostile tribes of Iroquois approached their enemies on the north of the St. Lawrence, and _vice-versa_.
CHAPTER X.
RETURN FROM THE BATTLE, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE ON THE WAY.
After going some eight leagues, towards evening they took one of the prisoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he and his men had already practised towards them without any mercy, and that, in like manner, he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They commanded him to sing, if he had courage, which he did; but it was a very sad song.
Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire; and, when it was well burning, they each took a brand, and burned this poor creature gradually, so as to make him suffer greater torment. Sometimes they stopped, and threw water on his back. Then they tore out his nails, and applied fire to the extremities of his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the top of his head, and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon it; then they pierced his arms near the wrists, and, drawing up the sinews with sticks, they tore them out by force; but, seeing that they could not get them, they cut them. This poor wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to see him treated in this manner, and yet showing such firmness that one would have said, at times, that he suffered hardly any pain at all. They urged me strongly to take some fire, and do as they did. I remonstrated with them, saying that we practised no such cruelties, but killed them at once; and that, if they wished me to fire a musket-shot at him, I should be willing to do so. They refused, saying that he would not in that case suffer any pain. I went away from them, pained to see such cruelties as they practised upon his body. When they saw that I was displeased, they called me, and told me to fire a musket-shot at him. This I did without his feeing it, and thus put an end, by a single shot, to all the torments he would have suffered, rather than see him tyrannized over. After his death, they were not yet satisfied, but opened him, and threw his entrails into the lake. Then they cut off his head, arms, and legs, which they scattered in different directions; keeping the scalp which they had flayed off, as they had done in the case of all the rest whom they had killed in the contest. They were guilty also of another monstrosity in taking his heart, cutting it into several pieces, and giving it to a brother of his to eat, as also to others of his companions, who were prisoners: they took it into their mouths, but would not swallow it. Some Algonquin savages, who were guarding them, made some of them spit it out, when they threw it into the water. This is the manner in which these people behave towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be better to die fighting, or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many do, rather than fall into the hands of their enemies. After this execution, we set out on our return with the rest of the prisoners, who kept singing as they went along, with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was so wretchedly treated.
Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algonquins returned to their own country; so also the Ochateguins, [350] with a part of the prisoners: well satisfied with the results of the war, and that I had accompanied them so readily. We separated accordingly with loud protestations of mutual friendship; and they asked me whether I would not like to go into their country, to a.s.sist them with continued fraternal relations; and I promised that I would do so.
I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myself from the prisoners in regard to their country, and of its probable extent, we packed up the baggage for the return, which was accomplished with such despatch that we went every day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which was their usual rate of travelling. When we arrived at the mouth of the river Iroquois, some of the savages dreamed that their enemies were pursuing them. This dream led them to move their camp forthwith, although the night was very inclement on account of the wind and rain; and they went and pa.s.sed the remainder of the night, from fear of their enemies, amid high reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, we arrived at our settlement, where I gave them some bread and peas; also some beads, which they asked me for, in order to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpose of merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with them in their canoes as far as Tadoussac, in order to witness their ceremonies. On approaching the sh.o.r.e, they each took a stick, to the end of which they hung the heads of their enemies, who had been killed, together with some beads, all of them singing. When they were through with this, the women undressed themselves, so as to be in a state of entire nudity, when they jumped into the water, and swam to the prows, of the canoes to take the heads of their enemies, which were on the ends of long poles before their boats: then they hung them about their necks, as if it had been some costly chain, singing and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they presented me with one of these heads, as if it were something very precious; and also with a pair of arms taken from their enemies, to keep and show to the king. This, for the sake of gratifying them, I promised to do.
After some days, I went to Quebec, whither some Algonquin savages came, expressing their regret at not being present at the defeat of their enemies, and presenting me with some furs, in consideration of my having gone there and a.s.sisted their friends.
Some days after they had set out for their country, distant about a hundred and twenty leagues from our settlement, I went to Tadoussac to see whether Pont Grave had returned from Gaspe, whither he had gone. He did not arrive until the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return to France. We concluded to leave an upright man, Captain Pierre Chavin of Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur de Monts should arrange matters there.
ENDNOTES:
350. The Indian allies on this expedition were the Algonquins (_Algoumequins_), the Hurons (_Ochatequins_), and the Montagnais (_Montagnets_). The two former, on their way to Quebec, had met Champlain near the river St. Anne, and joined him and the Montagnais, who belonged in the neighborhood of Tadoussac, or farther east.--_Vide antea_, p. 202. They now, at the falls near the Basin of Chambly, departed to their homes, perhaps on the Ottawa River and the sh.o.r.es of Lake Huron.
CHAPTER XI.
RETURN TO FRANCE, AND WHAT OCCURRED UP TO THE TIME OP RE-EMBARKATION.
After forming this resolution, we went to Quebec to establish him in authority, and leave him every thing requisite and necessary for the settlement, together with fifteen men. Every thing being arranged, we set out on the first day of September [351] for Tadoussac, in order to fit out our vessel for returning to France.
We set out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th of the month, and on the 8th anch.o.r.ed at Isle Percee. On Thursday the 10th, we set out from there, and on the 18th, the Tuesday following, we arrived at the Grand Bank. On the 2d of October, we got soundings. On the 8th, we anch.o.r.ed at Conquet [352] in Lower Brittany. On Sat.u.r.day the 10th, we set out from there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th.
After disembarking, I did not wait long before taking post to go to Sieur de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, where His Majesty was. Here I reported to him in detail all that had transpired in regard to the winter quarters and our new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of the promises of the savages called Ochateguins, who are good Iroquois.
[353] The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more to the south. The language of the former does not differ much from that of the people recently discovered and hitherto unknown to us, which they understand when spoken.
I at once waited upon His Majesty, and gave him an account of my voyage, which afforded him pleasure and satisfaction. I had a girdle made of porcupine quills, very well worked, after the manner of the country where it was made, and which His Majesty thought very pretty. I had also two little birds, of the size of blackbirds and of a carnation color; [354]
also, the head of a fish caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, having a very long snout and two or three rows of very sharp teeth. A representation of this fish may be found on the great lake, on my geographical map. [355]
After I had concluded my interview with His Majesty, Sieur de Monts determined to go to Rouen to meet his a.s.sociates, the Sieurs Collier and Le Gendre, merchants of Rouen, to consider what should be done the coming year. They resolved to continue the settlement, and finish the explorations up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the promises of the Ochateguins, made on condition that we should a.s.sist them in their wars, as I had given them to understand.
Pont Grave was appointed to go to Tadoussac, not only for traffic, but to engage in any thing else that might realize means for defraying the expenses.
Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was ordered to see to the purchase of merchandise and supplies, the repair of the vessels, obtaining crews, and other things necessary for the voyage.
After these matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned to Paris, I accompanying him, where I stayed until the end of February. During this time, Sieur de Monts endeavored to obtain a new commission for trading in the newly discovered regions, and where no one had traded before. This he was unable to accomplish, although his requests and proposals were just and reasonable.
But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this commission, he did not cease to prosecute his plan, from his desire that every thing might turn out to the profit and honor of France.
During this time, Sieur de Monts did not express to me his pleasure in regard to me personally, until I told him it had been reported to me that he did not wish to have me winter in Canada, which, however, was not true, for he referred the whole matter to my pleasure.
I provided myself with whatever was desirable and necessary for spending the winter at our settlement in Quebec. For this purpose I set out from Paris the last day of February following, [356] and proceeded to Honfleur, where the embarkation was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I stayed two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont Grave and Le Gendre, who told me they had embarked what was necessary for the settlement. I was very glad to find that we were ready to set sail, but uncertain whether the supplies were good and adequate for our sojourn and for spending the winter.
ENDNOTES:
351. September, 1609.
352. A small seaport town in the department of Finisterre, twelve miles west of Brest.
353. The Ochateguins, called by the French Hurons, were a branch of the Iroquois. Their real name was Yendots. They were at this time allied with the Algonquins, in a deadly war with their Iroquois cousins, the Five Nations.--_Vide Gallatins Synopsis_, Transactions of Am. Antiq.
Society, Cambridge, 1836, Vol. II. p. 69, _et pa.s.sim_.
354. The Scarlet tanager, _Pyranga rubra_, of a scarlet color, with black wings and tail. It ranges from Texas to Lake Huron.
355. _Vide antea_, p. 216; and map. 1612.
356. Anno Domini 1610.
SECOND VOYAGE OF SIEUR. DE CHAMPLAIN TO NEW FRANCE, IN THE YEAR 1610.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE TO RETURN TO NEW FRANCE, AND OCCURRENCES UNTIL OUR ARRIVAL AT THE SETTLEMENT.