49. Rideau, at the mouth of which is Green Island, referred to in the text below.
50. The fall in the Rideau is thirty-four feet, according to the Edinburgh Gazetteer of the World. The estimate of Champlain is so far out of the way that it seems not unlikely that feet were intended instead of fathoms. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 301, 302.
51. The Chaudiere Falls, just above the present city of Ottawa, the greatest height of which is about forty feet "Arrayed in every imaginable variety of form, in vast dark ma.s.ses, in graceful cascades, or in tumbling spray, they have been well described as a hundred rivers struggling for a pa.s.sage. Not the least interesting feature they present is the Lost Chaudiere, where a large body of water is quietly sucked down, and disappears underground" _Vide Canada_ by W. H Smith.
Vol. I. p. 120. Also Vol I. p, 120 of this work.
52. The lat.i.tude of the Chaudiere Falls is about 45 27".
53. Chaudiere Lake, which was only an expansion of the River Ottawa.
54. Rapide des Chats.
55. This probably refers to that part of the fall which was more difficult to pa.s.s.
56. Lake des Chats. The name _des chats_ appears to have been given to this Lake, the Rapids, and the _Nation des chats_, on account of the great number of the _loup cervier_, or wild cats, _chats sauvages_, found in this region. Cf. _Le Grande Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, par Sagard, Paris, 1632, p. 307.
57. Madawaskca River, an affluent of the Ottawa, uniting with it at Fitz Roy.
58. Probably an allusion to the River St. Lawrence.
59. This is the same tribe alluded to by Vimont under the name _Mataouchkarmi_, as dwelling south of Allumette Island. _Vide Relations des Jesuites_, 1640, Quebec ed., p. 34.
60. Cypres, Red Cedar or Savin, _Juniperus Virginiana_. _Vide_ Vol. II.
note 168.
61. They were now, perhaps, two miles below Portage du Fort, at the point on the Ottawa nearest to the system of lakes through which they were to pa.s.s, and where, as stated in the text, the Ottawa, making an angle, begins to flow directly from the north. The lat.i.tude, as here given, is even more than usually incorrect, being too high by more than a degree.
The true lat.i.tude is about 43 37". _Vide Walker_ and _Miles"s Atlas of Dominion of Canada_. Note 62 will explain the cause of this inexactness.
62. Muskrat Lake. On Champlain"s map of 1632 will be seen laid down a succession of lakes or ponds, together with the larger one, now known as Muskrat Lake, on the borders of which are figured the dwellings of the savages referred to in the text. The pond which they pa.s.sed is the last in the series before reaching Muskrat Lake. On the direct route between this pond and the lake, known as the Muskrat Portage road, the course undoubtedly traversed by Champlain, there was found in 1867, in the, township of Ross, an astrolabe, an instrument used in taking lat.i.tudes, on which is the date, 1603. It is supposed to have been lost by Champlain on his present expedition. The reasons for this supposition have been stated in several brochures recently issued, one by Mr. O. H. Marshall of Buffalo, ent.i.tled _Discovery of an Astrolabe supposed to have been left by Champlain in 1613_, New York, 1879; reprinted from the _Magazine of American History_ for March of that year. Another, _Champlain"s Astrolabe lost on the 7th of June, 1613, and found in August, 1867_, by A. J Russell of Ottawa, Montreal, 1879. And a third ent.i.tled _The Astrolabe of Samuel Champlain and Geoffrey Chaucer_, by Henry Scadding, D.D., of Toronto, 1880. All of these writers agree in the opinion that the instrument was probably lost by Champlain on his expedition up the Ottawa in 1613. For the argument _in extenso_ the reader is referred to the brochures above cited.
[Ill.u.s.tration of an astrolabe.]
Mr. Russell, who examined the astrolabe thus found with great care and had it photographed, describes it as a circular plate having a diameter of five inches and five eighths. "It is of place bra.s.s, very dark with age, one eighth of an inch thick above, increasing to six sixteenths of an inch below, to give it steadiness when suspended, which apparently was intended to be increased by hanging a weight on the little projecting ring at the bottom of it, in using it on ship-board. Its suspending ring is attached by a double hinge of the nature of a universal joint. Its circle is divided into single degrees, graduated from its perpendicular of suspension. The double-bladed index, the pivot of which pa.s.ses through the centre of the astrolabe, has slits and eyelets in the projecting fights that are on it."
We give on the preceding page an engraving of this astrolabe from a photograph, which presents a sufficiently accurate outline of the instrument. The plate was originally made to ill.u.s.trate Mr. Marshall"s article in the Magazine of American History, and we are indebted to the courtesy of the proprietors of the Magazine, Messrs. A. S. Barnes and Company of New York, for its use for our present purpose.
The astrolabe, as an instrument for taking the alt.i.tude of the stars or the sun, had long been in use. Thomas Blundevile, who wrote in 1622, says he had seen three kinds, and that the astrolabe of Stofflerus had then been in use a hundred years. It had been improved by Gemma Frisius. Mr. Blagrave had likewise improved upon the last-mentioned, and his instrument was at that time in general use in England. The astrolabe continued to be employed in Great Britain in taking alt.i.tudes for more than a century subsequent to this, certainly till Hadley"s Quadrant was invented, which was first announced in 1731.
The astrolabes which had the broadest disks were more exact, as they were projected on a larger scale, but as they were easily jostled by the wind or the movement of the ship at sea, they could with difficulty be employed. But Mr. Blundevile informs us that "the Spaniards doe commonly make their astrolabes narrow and weighty, which for the most part are not much above five inches broad, and yet doe weigh at the least foure pound, & to that end the lower part is made a great deale thicker than the upper part towards the ring or handle." _Vide M. Blendeale his Exercises_, London, 1622, pp. 595, 597. This Spanish instrument, it will be observed, is very similar to that found on the Old Portage road, and the latter may have been of Spanish make.
In order to take the lat.i.tude in Champlain"s day, at least three distinct steps or processes were necessary, and the following directions might have been given.
I. Let the astrolabe be suspended so that it shall hang plumb. Direct the index or diopter to the sun at noon, so that the same ray of light may shine through both holes in the two tablets or pinules on the diopter, and the diopter will point to the degree of the sun"s meridian alt.i.tude indicated on the outer rim of the astrolabe.
II. Ascertain the exact degree of the sun"s declination for that day, by a table calculated for that purpose, which accompanies the astrolabe.
III. Subtract the declination, so found, if it be northerly, from the meridian alt.i.tude; or if the declination be southerly, add the declination to the meridian alt.i.tude, and the result, subtracted from 90, will give the lat.i.tude.
In these several processes of taking the lat.i.tude there are numerous possibilities of inexactness. It does not appear that any correction was made for refraction of light, or the precession of the equinoxes.
But the most important source of inaccuracy was in the use of the astrolabe whose disk was so small that its divisions could not be carried beyond degrees, and consequently minutes were arrived at by sheer estimation, and usually when the work was completed, the error was not less than one fourth or one half of a degree, and it was often much more.
This accounts fully for the inaccuracies of Champlain"s lat.i.tudes from first to last throughout his entire explorations, as tested by the very exact instruments and tables now in use. No better method of determining the lat.i.tude existed at that day, and consequently the historian is warned not to rely upon the lat.i.tude alone as given by the early navigators and explorers in identifying the exact localities which they visited.
63. Subsequently called Hurons.
64. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 49; Vol. II. note 219.
CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION.--ARRIVAL AT THE ABODE OF TESSOUAT, AND HIS FAVORABLE RECEPTION OF ME.--CHARACTER OF THEIR CEMETERIES--THE SAVAGES PROMISE ME FOUR CANOES FOR CONTINUING MY JOURNEY, WHICH THEY HOWEVER SHORTLY AFTER REFUSE.--ADDRESS OF THE SAVAGES TO DISSUADE ME FROM MY UNDERTAKING, IN WHICH THEY REPRESENT ITS DIFFICULTIES--MY REPLY TO THESE OBJECTIONS.-- TESSOUAT ACCUSES MY GUIDE OF LYING, AND OF NOT HAVING BEEN WHERE HE SAID HE HAD.--THE LATTER MAINTAINS HIS VERACITY--I URGE THEM TO GIVE ME CANOES.-- SEVERAL REFUSALS.--MY GUIDE CONVICTED OF FALSEHOOD, AND HIS CONFESSION.
Nibachis had two canoes fitted out, to conduct me to another chief, named Tessouat, [65] who lived eight leagues from him, on the border of a great lake, through which flows the river which we had left, and which extends northward. Accordingly we crossed the lake in a west-northwesterly direction, a distance of nearly seven leagues. Landing there, we went a league towards the northeast through a very fine country, where are small beaten paths, along which one can go easily. Thus we arrived on the sh.o.r.e of the lake, [66] where the dwelling of Tessouat was. He was accompanied by a neighboring chieftain, and was greatly amazed to see me, saying that he thought I was a dream, and that he did not believe his eyes. Thence we crossed on to an island, [67] where their cabins are, which are poorly constructed out of the bark of trees. The island is covered with oaks, pines, and elms, and is not subject to inundations, like the other islands in the lake.
This island is strongly situated; for at its two ends, and where the river enters the lake, there are troublesome falls, the roughness of which makes the island difficult of access. They have accordingly taken up their abode here in order to avoid the pursuit of their enemies. It is in lat.i.tude 47, [68] as also the lake, which is twenty leagues long, [69] and three or four wide. It abounds in fish; the hunting, however, is not especially good.
On visiting the island, I observed their cemeteries, and was struck with wonder as I saw sepulchres of a shape like shrines, made of pieces of wood fixed in the ground at a distance of about three feet from each other, and intersecting at the upper end. On the intersections above they place a large piece of wood, and in front another upright piece, on which is carved roughly, as would be expected, the figure of the male or female interred.
If it is a man, they add a shield, a sword attached to a handle after their manner, a mace, and bow and arrows. If it is a chief, there is a plume on his head, and some other _matachia_ or embellishment. If it is a child, they give it a bow and arrow; if a woman or girl, a boiler, an earthen vessel, a wooden spoon, and an oar. The entire sepulchre is six or seven feet long at most, and four wide; others are smaller. They are painted yellow and red, with various ornaments as neatly done as the carving. The deceased is buried with his dress of beaver or other skins which he wore when living, and they lay by his side all his possessions, as hatchets, knives, boilers, and awls, so that these things may serve him in the land whither he goes; for they believe in the immortality of the soul, as I have elsewhere observed. These carved sepulchres are only made for the warriors; for in respect to others they add no more than in the case of women, who are considered a useless cla.s.s, accordingly but little is added in their case.
Observing the poor quality of the soil, I asked them what pleasure they took in cultivating land so unpromising, since there was some much better, which they left barren and waste, as at the Falls of St. Louis. They answered that they were forced to do so in order to dwell in security, and that the roughness of the locality served them as a defence against their enemies. But they said that if I would make a settlement of French at the Falls of St. Louis, as I had promised, they would leave their abode and go and live near us, confident that their enemies would do them no harm while we were with them. I told them that we would this year collect wood and stone in order the coming year to build a fort and cultivate the land; upon hearing which they raised a great cry of applause. This conference having been finished, I asked all the chiefs and prominent men among them to a.s.semble the next day on the main land, at the cabin of Tessouat, who purposed to celebrate a _tabagie_ in my honor, adding that I would there tell them my plans. This they promised, and sent word to their neighbors to convene at the appointed place.
The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden spoon. They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground in the cabin of Tessouat, who distributed to them a kind of broth made of maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which was cut into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without salt. They also had meat roasted on coals, and fish boiled apart, which he also distributed. In respect to myself, as I did not wish any of their chowder, which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked them for some fish and meat, that I might prepare it in my own way, which they gave me. For drink, we had fine clear water. Tessouat, who gave the _tabagie_, entertained us without eating himself, according to their custom.
The _tabagie_ being over, the young men, who are not present at the harangues and councils, and who during the _tabagies_ remain at the door of the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their pipes, one and another offering me one. We then spent a full half-hour in this occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.
After smoking amply during so long a period of silence, I explained to them, through my interpreter, that the object of my journey was none other than to a.s.sure them of my friendship, and of the desire I had to a.s.sist them in their wars, as I had before done; that I had been prevented from coming the preceding year, as I had promised them, because the king had employed me in other wars, but that now he had ordered me to visit them and to fulfil my promises, and that for this purpose I had a number of men at the Falls of St. Louis. I told them that I was making an excursion in their territory to observe the fertility of their soil, their lakes and rivers, and the sea which they had told me was in their country; and that I desired to see a tribe distant six days" journey from them, called the _Nebicerini_, in order to invite them also to the war, and accordingly I asked them to give me four canoes with eight savages to guide me to these lands. And since the Algonquins are not great friends of the _Nebicerini_, [70] they seemed to listen to me with greater attention.
After I had finished my discourse, they began again to smoke, and to confer among themselves in a very low voice respecting my propositions. Then Tessouat in behalf of all the rest began and said, that they had always regarded me more friendly towards them than any Frenchman they had seen; that the proofs they had of this in the past made their confidence easier for the future: moreover, that I had shown myself in reality their friend, by encountering so many risks in coming to see them and invite them to the war, and that all these considerations obliged them to feel as kindly disposed towards me as towards their own children. But they said that I had the preceding year broken my promise, that two thousand savages had gone to the Falls with the expectation of finding me ready to go to the war, and making me presents, but that they had not found me and were greatly saddened, supposing that I was dead, as some persons had told them. He said also, that the French who were at the Falls did not want to help them in their wars, that they had been badly treated by certain ones, so that they had resolved among themselves not to go to the Falls again, and that this had caused them, as they did not expect to see me again, to go alone to the war, and that in fact twelve hundred of them had already gone. And since the greater part of their warriors were absent, they begged me to postpone the expedition to the following year, saying that they would communicate the matter to all the people of their country. In regard to the four canoes, which I asked for, they granted them to me, but with great reluctance, telling me that they were greatly displeased at the idea of such an undertaking, in view of the hardships which I would endure; that the people there were sorcerers, that they had caused the death of many of their own tribe by charms and poisoning, on which account they were not their friends: moreover they said that, as it regards war, I was not to think of them, as they were little-hearted. With these and many other considerations they endeavored to deter me from my purpose.
But my sole desire on the other hand was to see this people, and enter into friendship with them, so that I might visit the North Sea. Accordingly, with a view to lessening the force of their objections, I said to them, that it was not far to the country in question; that the bad roads could not be worse than those I had already pa.s.sed; that their witchcraft would have no power to harm me, as my G.o.d would preserve me from them; that I was also acquainted with their herbs, and would therefore beware of eating them; that I desired to make the two tribes mutual friends, and that I would to this end make presents to the other tribe, being a.s.sured that they would do something for me. In view of these reasons they granted me, as I have said, four canoes, at which I was very happy, forgetting all past hardships in the hope of seeing this sea, as I so much desired.
For the remainder of the day, I went out walking in their gardens, which were filled with squashes, beans, and our peas, which they were beginning to cultivate, when Thomas, my interpreter, who understands the language very well, came to inform me that the savages, after I had left them, had come to the conclusion, that if I were to undertake this journey I should die and they also, and that they could not furnish the promised canoes, as there was no one of them who would guide me, but that they wished me to postpone the journey until the next year, when they would conduct me with a good train to protect me from that people, in case they should attempt to harm me, as they are evil-disposed.
This intelligence greatly disturbed me, and I at once went to them and told them, that up to this day I had regarded them as men and truthful persons, but that now they had shown themselves children and liars, and that if they would not fulfil their promises, they would fail to show me their friendship; that, however, if they felt it an inconvenience to give me four canoes they should only furnish two and four savages.
They represented to me anew the difficulties attending the journey, the number of the falls, the bad character of the people, and that their reason for refusing my request was their fear of losing me.
I replied that I was sorry to have them show themselves to so slight an extent my friends, and that I should never have believed it; that I had a young man, showing them my impostor, who had been in their country, and had not found all these difficulties which they represented, nor the people in question so bad as they a.s.serted. Then they began to look at him, in particular Tessouat the old captain, with whom he had pa.s.sed the winter, and calling him by name he said to him in his language: Nicholas, is it true that you said you were among the Nebicerini? It was long before he spoke, when he said to them in their language, which he spoke to a certain extent: Yes, I was there. They immediately looked at him awry, and throwing themselves upon him, as if they would eat him up or tear him in pieces, raised loud cries, when Tessouat said to him: You are a downright liar, you know well that you slept at my side every night with my children, where you arose every morning; if you were among the people mentioned, it was while sleeping. How could you have been so bold as to lead your chief to believe lies, and so wicked as to be willing to expose his life to so many dangers?
You are a worthless fellow, and he ought to put you to death more cruelly than we do our enemies. I am not astonished that he should so importune us on the a.s.surance of your words.
I at once told him that he must reply to these people; and since he had been in the regions indicated, that he must give me proofs of it, and free me from the suspense in which he had placed me. But he remained silent and greatly terrified.
I immediately withdrew him from the savages, and conjured him to declare the truth of the matter, telling him that, if he had seen the sea in question, I would give him the reward which I had promised him, and that, if he had not seen it, he must tell me so without causing me farther trouble. Again he affirmed with oaths all he had before said, and that he would demonstrate to me the truth of it, if the savages would give us canoes.
Upon this, Thomas came and informed me, that the savages of the island had secretly sent a canoe to the Nebicerini, to notify them of my arrival.
Thereupon, in order to profit by the opportunity, I went to the savages to tell them, that I had dreamed the past night that they purposed to send a canoe to the Nebicerini without notifying me of it, at which I was greatly surprised, since they knew that I was desirous of going there. Upon which they replied that I did them a great wrong in trusting a liar, who wanted to cause my death, more than so many brave chiefs, who were my friends and who held my life dear. I replied that my man, meaning our impostor, had been in the aforesaid country with one of the relatives of Tessouat and had seen the sea, the wreck and ruins of an English vessel, together with eighty scalps which the savages had in their possession, and a young English boy whom they held as prisoner, and whom they wished to give me as a present.