The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution.
VOL VII.
by Various.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN ADAMS.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Paris, December 14th, 1782.
Sir,
There is more matter than time to write at present. The King of Sweden has done the United States great honor in his commission to his Minister here, to treat with them, by inserting, that he had a great desire to form a connexion with States, which had so fully established their independence, and by their wise and gallant conduct so well deserved it; and his Minister desired it might be remembered, that his sovereign was the first who had voluntarily proposed a treaty with us.[1]
Mr Secretary Townshend announced, on the 3d of December, in a letter to the Lord Mayor, the signature of our preliminaries. On the 5th, his Majesty announced it in his speech to both Houses. Addresses of thanks, in both Houses, pa.s.sed without a division.
There is a note in the _Courier de l"Europe_, of the 6th instant, worth transcribing, viz. "We mark these three lines in italics, to notice at present the a.s.sertion, which we shall consider more fully hereafter, that we do not owe to any of the causes a.s.signed at present, even in the two Houses of Parliament, the peace, the blessings of which we consider as certain, but to the armed neutrality. This peace will be durable."
I have transcribed this note, because it falls in with an opinion, that I have long entertained. The armed neutrality, and even Mr Dana"s mission to it, have had greater effects, than the world is yet informed of, and would have had much greater, if his hands had not been tied.
On the 4th instant, I wrote a resignation of all my employments in Europe, which I have now the honor to confirm, and to request, that the acceptance of it may be transmitted to me several ways, by the first ships.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] See Dr Franklin"s letter on this subject, dated June the 25th, 1782. _Franklin"s Correspondence_, Vol. III. p. 371.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, December 19th, 1782.
Sir,
The enclosed letter for Mr Dana you will open and peruse. It may possibly contain information, that may be useful to you, which it will be unnecessary to repeat here.
I mentioned in my last, Mr Jefferson"s appointment; I have the pleasure of adding now, that I have received an account from him of his acceptance of the place. He will be here in the course of ten or twelve days, and sail with Count de Rochambeau, who proposes to return to France. The French troops have embarked with the Marquis de Vaudreuil, and are to sail for the West Indies, unless they should receive counter orders, by a frigate, which is now in the river. Her letters are not yet come up, as she unfortunately ran ash.o.r.e at Dover; it is yet uncertain whether she will be saved.
The great political question, which at present engages the attention of Congress, is the means of providing for the payment of the public debts, or at least establishing such funds for the regular discharge of the interest, as may set their creditors at ease as to their capitals. It was imagined, that a duty of five per cent upon all imposts would afford a fund adequate to this. Congress accordingly recommended it to the several States to impose the duty. They have all complied, except Rhode Island. Her refusal renders the other laws nugatory, as they contain clauses suspending their operation until the measure is generally adopted. Congress are about to send down a committee to endeavor to persuade Rhode Island to comply with a measure, that they deem so essential to public credit. It is extremely difficult in a country, so little used to taxes as ours is, to lay them directly, and almost impossible to impose them so equally as not to render them too oppressive on some members of the community, while others contribute little or nothing. This difficulty is increased by the continued change of property in this country, and by the small proportion the income bears to the value of lands.
By a short letter just received from Mr Jay, it appears, that England has at length swallowed the bitter pill, and agreed to treat with the "Thirteen United States of America." I am still at a loss to account for this commission"s being directed to Mr Oswald, while Mr Fitzherbert"s continues in force; or is that revoked?[2] I will not trouble myself with guesses, as I must receive despatches today, that will explain the mystery, if either Dr Franklin or Mr Jay have kept their words with me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] The two commissions were for distinct purposes; Mr Oswald"s to treat with the American Commissioners alone; and Mr Fitzherbert"s to treat for a general peace with the European powers, then at war with England.
TO CHARLES W.F. DUMAS.
Paris, January 1st, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Returning this evening from Versailles, where I had been to make the compliments of the season, I found your favors of the 26th and 27th of December. The letters enclosed shall be forwarded, as you desire.
The Dutch Ministers here have no occasion for my a.s.sistance. _Non tali auxilio._ I have the honor to be more particularly acquainted with M.
Brantzen, who is certainly a very able man, and universally acknowledged to be so by all who know him. The arguments, which I know he has used with the British Minister, are such as can never be answered, both upon the liberty of navigation, and the compensation for damages. He is an entire master of his subject, and has urged it with a degree of perspicuity and eloquence, that I know has much struck his antagonists.
Unnecessary, however, as any exertions of mine have been, I have not omitted any opportunity of throwing in any friendly suggestions in my power, where there was a possibility of doing any good to our good friends, the Dutch. I have made such suggestions to Mr Fitzherbert.
But with Mr Oswald, I have had several very serious conversations upon the subject. So I have also with Mr Vaughan and Mr Whiteford.
To Mr Oswald I urged the necessity of Great Britain"s agreeing with the Dutch upon the unlimited freedom of navigation, from a variety of topics, some of which I may explain to you more particularly hereafter. Thus much I may say at present, that I told him, that it was impossible for Great Britain to avoid it; it would probably be insisted upon by all the other powers. France and Spain, as well as Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, the Emperor, and Portugal, as well as Holland, had already signed the armed neutrality. The United States of America had declared themselves ready to sign, and were ready. The combination being thus powerful, Great Britain could not resist it.
But if she should refuse to agree to it with Holland, and the other powers should acquiesce, and Holland should make peace without it (which would never, however, be the case,) yet all would be ineffectual, for Holland would forever be able to make use of other neutral bottoms, and would thus enjoy the benefit of this liberty and reality, though denied it by treaty, and in appearance. It would, therefore, be more for the honor and interest of Great Britain to agree to it with a good grace, in the treaty with Holland. Nay, the wisest part she could act would be to set on foot a negotiation immediately for signing herself the Treaty of Armed Neutrality, and then admitting it into the treaty with Holland would be a thing of course. At one of these conversations Dr Franklin was present, who supported me with all his weight; at another, Mr Jay seconded me with all his abilities and ingenuity. Mr Oswald has several times a.s.sured me, that he had written these arguments and his own opinion, in conformity with them, to the King"s Ministers in London, and I doubt not they will be adopted.
With respect to the compensation for damages, it is impossible to add anything to the arrangements M. Brantzen has urged to show the justice of it, and if Britain is really wise, she will think it her policy to do everything in her power to soften the resentment of the Dutch, and regain their good will and good humor.
The rage of Great Britain, however, has carried her to such extravagant lengths, in a cause unjust from beginning to end, that she is scarcely able to repair the injuries she has done. America has a just claim to compensation for all her burnt towns and plundered property, and indeed for all her slaughtered sons, if that were possible. I shall continue to embrace every opportunity that presents, of doing all the little service in my power to our good friends the Dutch, whose friendship for us I shall not soon forget. This must be communicated with great discretion, if at all.
My best respects to all.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.